THE WAR OF THE SPANISH SUCCESSION.
(1) CAMPAIGNS AND NEGOTIATIONS.
By C. T. ATKINSON, M.A.
The European situation in 1701.401
Eugene's operations against Catinat. 402
The formation of the "Grand Alliance".. 403
Bavaria. Savoy. The military situation.. 404
Marlborough as a general..405
Lewis of Baden in the German south-west.. 406
Marlborough in the Netherlands.406
Vienna threatened by Villars.407
Savoy joins the Grand Alliance.408
Marlborougli's march to the Danube. 409
The results of Blenheim. The Mediterranean.411
Attempt on Cadiz. Vigo. The Methuen Treaty. 412
Capture of Gibraltar. Battle of Malaga.. 413
Marlborough in the Netherlands. 413
Eugene in Italy. Marlborough's great plan.414
Turin. Convention of Milan. Ramillies.. 415
Results of Ramillies. Peterborough in Spain.416
The first peace negotiations. Charles XII at Altranstädt.417
The Flanders campaign of 1707. Villars on the Rhine.418
Almanza. Eugene's attempt on Toulon.. 419
Renewed peace negotiations. Vendôme in Flanders. 420
Oudenarde and its results..421
Siege of Lille. Negotiations resumed. 422
Preliminaries of the Hague rejected. 423
The First Barrier Treaty. Villars' preparations.424
Minorca and the Peninsula..426
Negotiations at Gertruydenber,..427
Saragossa and Villa Viciosa..428
The fall of the Whigs. Death of Joseph I.429
The Tories and Peace.. 430
Marlborough the "non plus ultra". 431
A Peace Congress summoned.432
England and the Armistice. Denain. 433
Results of Denain. The Peace of Utrecht signed. 434
Eugene and Villars on the Rhine. 435
Rastatt and Baden. Marlborough as a general.436
(2) THE PEACE OF UTRECHT AND THE SUPPLEMENTARY PACIFICATIONS.
By A. W. WARD, Litt.D., F.B.A., Master of Peterhouse.
The Peace of Utrecht.. 437
The results of the pacifications.438
Preliminaries. Plenipotentiaries and their instructions. The Congress opened.. 439
Course of negotiations at the Congress.. 440
Peace between France and Great Britain.. 441
Dunkirk. North America..442
Anglo-French Treaty of Navigation and Commerce. 443
Peace between Great Britain and Spain: Gibraltar and Minorca 444
The Asiento. The Catalans..445
Abandonment of the Catalans.446
Peace between France and the United Provinces. 447
Treaties with Savoy, Portugal, and Prussia.. 448
Neuchâtel. Orange.. 449
The Emperor and the Peace of Utrecht.. 450
The Emperor's persistence. The Diet.. 451
The Peace of Rastatt.. 452
The Ryswyk Clause.. 453
The Peace of Baden.. 454
Peace between Spain and the United Provinces.455
Peace between Portugal and Spain.. 456
The First Barrier Treaty..457
The Second Barrier Treaty..458
The Third Barrier Treaty..459
THE WAR OF THE SPANISH SUCCESSION.
(1) CAMPAIGNS AND NEGOTIATIONS.
IF the action of Louis XIV in accepting the will of Charles II of Spain had proved insufficient to rouse England and the United Provinces to war, at Vienna its effects had been greater. The Emperor had steadily rejected the compromise of a partition, because he had always trusted that a will would leave the whole inheritance to the Archduke, and he was not inclined to swallow this disappointment without a protest or to acquiesce without resistance in the accession of Philip V. Yet the prospects of successfully disputing Philip's claim were not of the brightest. A great war was impending in the Baltic; the Emperor's hereditary dominions were still feeling the strain and exhaustion of the recent wars in east and west ; Hungary, quite recently reconquered from the Turk, was seething with discontent ; and the lukewarmness displayed by the Princes of Germany in the defence of the Empire against Louis promised ill for their support of Leopold's claims on the Spanish inheritance. And as, moreover, the Maritime Powers hung back and compelled the reluctant William III to recognise the new King of Spain, it is not wonderful that a party among the Emperor's advisers, headed by Margrave Lewis of Baden-Baden, should have counselled submission. These counsels were, indeed, so far followed that overtures were made in order to discover if any compensation could be obtained. Moderation and slight concebsions might have avoided war ; but Louis, blinded by the success he had already achieved, adopted an uncompromisingly aggressive attitude, and, by rejecting the idea of providing a " satisfaction" for the unsuccessful claimant to the Spanish inheritance, drove the Emperor over to the war party in his "conference," of whom Prince Eugene of Saxony and Archdukes Charles and Joseph were the leaders.
Accordingly, in the spring and early summer of 1701, while Austria's diplomats sought to rouse Europe in the Emperor's cause, a considerable army was gradually collected in southern Tyrol to contest the French occupation of Lombardy. Here the connivance of the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua had enabled the French to secure the Spanish possessions in the valley of the Po ; and Marshal Catinat was able to push forward to
Lake Garda and there take up his position, in order to bar the advance of the Austrians from Tyrol upon Lombardy. Deficiencies of transport and organisation for the time rendered the Imperial army immobile ; but it appeared most probable that, when Eugene's energy and administrative talents should have overcome these obstacles, his advance would follow the Adige. A more direct advance on Milan by the Engadine or Valtelline would involve the passage of more difficult country and the violation of Swiss neutrality ; a move west of Lake Garda on Brescia meant taking an equally unsatisfactory route; and, though the Venetians, whose territory separated Tyrol from the Milanese, had not absolutely refused a passage to the Imperialists, it was understood that they had forbidden them the use of the country between the Adige and the Adriatic. Catinat, at any rate, trusted Venetian neutrality to protect his right flank, which rested on the Adige, and, relying on this, confidently awaited an attack. This was some time in coming, for Eugene's force was far short of the numbers promised him ; and it was not till the end of May that, under cover of a feint down the right bank of the Adige against Chiuse, he carried the bulk of his 6000 horse and 16,000 foot over Monte Baldo by difficult and little-known mountain-paths, and, moving by Verona (May 28) and thence down the left of the Adige, established himself on Catinat's flank.
Eugene had thus scored the first trick in the game; but Catinat might have restored matters, had he either fallen on Guttenstein's exposed division, which had threatened Chiuse, or concentrated his troops, and, imitating his adversary's disregard of the neutrality which Venice seemed powerless to defend, crossed the Adige to force a decisive battle on the inferior force opposed to him. He did neither ; but, harassed by Eugene's feint and unable to discover whether he intended to strike west across the Adige or southward over the Po against Modena or Naples, he scattered his army in detachments along the Adige from Rivoli to Carpi, a front of over 60 miles. Eugene did not miss such a chance. On July 9 he fell in force on Saint-Fremont's division at Carpi, and drove it and the reinforcements which Tessé brought up from Legnago back on Nogara with heavy loss, thus piercing the French line and forcing Catinat to recoil behind the Mincio, where the French rallied, their right at Mantua, their left at Goito. But this position also Catinat failed to maintain. A move north-west enabled Eugene to rejoin Guttenstein (July 15) ; and, crossing the Mincio almost unopposed at Peschiera (July 28), he again placed himself on Catinat's flank, threatening his communications with Milan. To cover Milan, the French fell back to the Oglio (August 16), Eugene pressing on westward by Brescia, and being on the point of forcing this line also near Pontoglio, when he heard (August 24) that Marshal Villeroi had arrived from France and superseded the unfortunate Catinat. The Imperialists thereupon fell back to Chiari, where, on September 1, they sustained the attack of
Villeroi's superior numbers, inflicting on them a sharp repulse. This success allowed Eugene to retain his position unmolested; and, when with November both sides went into winter-quarters, the Imperialists were left in possession of the greater part of the duchy of Mantua, though a closely blockaded French garrison held out in the capital. The winter was made memorable by Eugene's celebrated raid on Cremona and capture of Marshal Villeroi (February 1, 1702)-an exploit which, though the town was finally recovered, compelled the French to fall back behind the Adda, leaving their magazines to Eugene, who also occupied the territory of Parma. The Dukes of Modena and Guastalla now declared for the Imperialists; and the outbreak of an insurrection in the Emperor's favour in Naples compelled the Spanish contingent with the French army to withdraw thither.
Meanwhile the diplomats had not been idle, and, when the campaign of 1702 opened, hostilities were no longer confined to Italy, but had assumed the dimensions of a general European war. The arrogance and aggressions of Louis had effected what the warnings of William III and Heinsius had failed to do. By securing for French traders the Âslento, or monopoly of the supply of slaves to Spanish America (August), Louis so roused England, that William felt able to conclude with the Emperor the Treaty of the Hague (September 7), which pledged the Emperor and the Maritime Powers to secure Europe against the union of France and Spain, and to obtain territorial compensation for the Habsburgs and commercial concessions for the Maritime Powers. The recently recognised kingdom of Prussia was already bound by the " Crown Treaty " to support the Emperor, and during the winter of 1701-2 the majority of the German Princes were enlisted on the side of the Grand Alliance-among them the Electors of Mainz and Trier, the Landgraves of Hesse-Cassel and Hesse-Darmstadt, and the Electors John William of the Palatinate and George Lewis of Hanover, with his uncle, Duke George William of Celle. The Franconian and Swabian Circles at first contemplated declaring themselves neutral, but they were soon won over to unite with the two Rhenish Circles, the Austrian, and the Westphalian; and a conference of these Circles held at Nördlingen in March, 1702, promised to put into the field a joint force of 54,000 men. The Baltic Powers held aloof from the Coalition ; but, thanks to the intervention of England and Holland in the conflict between Denmark and Sweden in 1700, the troops both of Denmark and of Holstein-Gottorp were available for hire by the Maritime Powers.
Not all the German Powers, however, were mustered among the adherents of the Coalition. Hatred of his Liineburg cousins inclined Antony Ulric of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel to take the side of Louis, but Celle and Hanover overpowered him ; he was put to an ignominious flight, and his brother Rudolf Augustus (with whom he ruled conjointly) had to conclude an "accord" which allowed the Brunswick-
Wolfenbüttel troops to be taken into the Emperor's service. More useful to Louis were the two Wittelsbach brothers, Electors Maximilian Emanuel of Bavaria and Joseph Clement of Cologne. Maximilian, hitherto one of the most consistent opponents of Louis, had been acting as Governor of the Spanish Netherlands since 1695; but he had not opposed the occupation of that country by French troops, and, after carrying on simultaneous negotiations with Louis and the Coalition, decided, in March, 1701, to throw in his lot with France, though he was not to commit any overt act of hostility until a suitable opportunity.
In addition to his Wittelsbach followers, Louis could also reckon among his allies two States whose adhesion to his cause was dictated by fear rather than by enthusiasm. Duke Victor Amadeus II of Savoy, true to the family policy of balancing dangerous neighbours against each other, had been suspected of supplying information to Eugene as to the movements of Catinat's army with which the Savoyard troops were serving, while Portugal had thrown in her lot with Louis, mainly to avert attack from Spain. In that kingdom Philip V had been readily acknowledged, save only in Catalonia, and the resources of Spain's Indian possessions were thus placed at the disposal of Louis.
Thus, at the outset of the War, the forces of the two sides seemed by no means unequally matched. Against the superior numbers and financial resources of the Coalition France could set the great advantages of unity of command and purpose, while her central position gave her the strategic asset of operating on interior lines. Moreover, certain special features of the strategical situation were greatly in her favour. By securing without opposition military possession of the Spanish Netherlands, she at once menaced the United Provinces with invasion, and placed herself in a strong position on the lines of communication between the Maritime Powers and Austria. At the same time, the alliance with Bavaria secured to her armies an open door into the Danube valley, the easiest and most direct line of advance against Vienna; and, though the alternative route, by the valley of the Po and the head of the Adriatic, was disputed by Eugene's army, the situation in northern Italy added to the tasks and difficulties of Austria. Further, though the joint naval forces of England and Holland considerably outnumbered those of France, the fact that the harbours of Spain and the two Sicilies were under French control, and that those of Portugal were closed to the Maritime Powers through her alliance with France, seemed to secure Louis against that advent of a superior hostile fleet in the Mediterranean by which William III had turned the scale against France in the previous war. On land things were more equal : it was not till the later campaigns of the war that Louis XIV ceased to oppose approximately equal numbers to the armies of the Grand Alliance; and, even when the Allies enjoyed a slight numerical superiority, it was balanced by the advantages of homogeneity. Before 1702 the
The campaign of 1702 was opened in Italy. Here Eugene, ill supported by the inefficient War Council at Vienna, found himself outnumbered by Vendôme and forced to choose between evacuating Italy altogether and allowing the French to sever his communications with Vienna. He chose the latter course ; and it was no small achievement that he nevertheless succeeded in maintaining his position in the Modenese throughout the campaign, even though severed from his base, subsisting on the produce of the country, and inflicting a sharp check
Meanwhile Marlborough had taken the field in the Netherlands (July), where the main body of the Allies, some 40,000 strong, was lying in front of Nymegen to cover the siege of Kaiserswerth on the lower Rhine, which 25,000 Dutch and Prussians were assailing, and to protect the south-eastern frontier of Holland against 60,000 Frenchmen quartered in the bishopric of Liege under Marshal Boufflers. Skilfully taking advantage of the undue extension of the French lines, Marlborough drew Boufflers back from Cleves to the left bank of the Meuse by threatening to cut him off from Brabant ; and, though the intervention of the Dutch deputies twice prevented a battle when Marlborough seemed to have Boufflers at his mercy, the French had to withdraw behind the Demer (August 23). Marlborough was thus able to successively besiege and reduce Venloo (September 16), Ruremonde (October 7), and Liege (October 23) ; Boufflers making an unavailing attempt to anticipate the Allies at Liege, but retreating at once when he found the position he had meant to take up occupied by Marlborough's covering army. These successes gave the Allies control of the lower Meuse, while the capture of Kaiserswerth (June 15) and Rheinberg did the same for the lower Rhine, so that the work of securing the communications between the Maritime Powers and Vienna was well started. In the next summer, Marlborough invaded the electorate of Cologne, overrunning it and
With the spring of 1703, the French prepared to utilise the path to Vienna thrown open to them by Bavaria's action. In March Villars secured Kehl, and, pushing across the Black Forest by Villingen, joined the Bavarian Elector near Ulm (May 9), unimpeded by Lewis of Baden, who lay inactive in his celebrated lines of Stolhofen, watched by another French corps under Marshal Tallard. The Elector would not have been there for Villars to join, had but Styrum, who commanded the troops of the Franconian Circle, cooperated with the 19,000 Austrians under Schlick on the Inn. Their failure to unite had allowed the Elector to capture Ratisbon, and to inflict on Schlick's isolated corps a sharp reverse at Scharding (March 11).
Vienna was now in dire peril. Had Villars and the Bavarian Elector pushed on down the Danube, it is difficult to see how the city could have been saved. Lewis of Baden was helpless, Marlborough fully occupied in the distant Netherlands, Hungary actually in insurrection ; and not even Eugene could prevent the army of Italy from being pressed back through Tyrol by Vendôme's superior forces. But, like his son Charles Albert thirty-eight years later, Maximilian Emanuel missed his chance. Intent on securing communication with much-coveted Milan, he turned aside into Tyrol, leaving Villars, much to the French commander's chagrin, to cover his operations against Lewis of Baden, who had come up from Stolhofen with most of his corps and joined Styrum (June). But the conquest of Tyrol did not prove so easy as the Elector anticipated. Though opposed by the peasantry, he reached Innsbruck (July 2) and even pushed a detachment forward to the Brenner Pass, only to find that Vendôme had not arrived. The latter, indeed, never started for Trent till July 20 ; and, by the time he reached it (September 2), the Bavarians, harassed by the Tyrolese mountaineers, who cut off their detachments and threatened their communications, had given up hope of his coming and had beaten a costly retreat to Bavaria (August). During this time Lewis of Baden and
Styrum had let slip the chance of combining their forces against Villars, who, profiting by their separation, parried the Margrave's attack on Augsburg by falling on Styrum's weaker force at Höchstädt (September 20) and completely defeating him. This checked Lewis, who had to abandon Augsburg and retire into winter-quarters, just north of the Lake of Constance. Even at this late point in the campaigning season Villars was anxious to try a dash at Vienna, now seriously menaced by the Hungarian insurgents ; but the Elector's refusal to contemplate the project led to violent quarrels between him and Villars, and to the recall of the latter before the next campaign.
Meanwhile, on the Rhine things had fared ill for the Allies. Thüngen, whom Lewis of Baden had left at Stolhofen, failed to prevent Tallard from taking Breisach (September 8) and besieging Landau. Reinforced by a corps from the Netherlands under the Hereditary Prince Frederick of Hesse-Cassel, he attempted the relief of Landau, only to suffer a disastrous defeat at Speyerbach (November 13), on which Landau surrendered (November 21). Thus, with 40,000 French wintering in Bavaria, their communications with Alsace greatly improved by Tallard's successes and the forces of the Maritime Powers apparently committed to operations in the Netherlands, the prospects for the Emperor looked bad indeed. The only gleam of satisfaction was that the Duke of Savoy, always distrustful of the sincerity of his French ally's promises, had been in secret communication with the Emperor for some time, and now, urged to the step by Vendôme's demand that he should hand over Turin and Susa to the French and suffer the disarming of his troops, definitively threw in his lot with the Allies and signed a treaty with the Emperor (October 25). On this, Starhemberg, who had maintained Eugene's old position on the lower Po during the summer, hastened with his 15,000 men across the Parmesan and joined Victor Amadeus on the Tanaro (January, 170é)-a move which Vendôme, who had evacuated southern Tyrol after his fruitless advance to Trent (September), completely failed to prevent. Savoy's defection meant that Austria was secure from attack on the side of Italy, at any rate until the French had secured their communications with France, which this change of sides had menaced.
But, even so, Vienna's peril was great; and, when in April strong reinforcements crossed the Black Forest by the Höllenthal and joined the Elector of Bavaria near Dillingen (May 19), unhampered by Lewis of Baden, it seemed futile to hope that even Eugene, who had replaced Styrum, would be able to stem the advance of the Franco-Bavarians down the Danube. Tallard, with over 30,000 men, took up a position near Kehl to protect the French communications with Bavaria and to hold Lewis of Baden in check ; while Villeroi, with yet another army, was expected to keep Marlborough occupied in the Netherlands. Luckily for the Allied cause, Marlborough had realised the critical condition of
The first task before the Allies was to secure a passage over the Danube. To this end Marlborough moved upon Donauwörth, and on July 2 succeeded after a desperate struggle in storming the strong entrenched camp of the Bavarians on the Schellenberg. The losses, though heavy, were justifiable; for Tallard was reported to be coming up from the Rhine, and it was important to capture the post before the garrison could be reinforced. This success gave the Allies Donauwörth and its bridge, opening Bavaria to them, and forcing the Elector and Marsin to abandon the line of the Danube and retire southward up the Lech. Marlborough was thus enabled to place himself between the Franco-Bavarians and Vienna, Bavaria being exposed to his raiding parties. However, reinforcements were on their way to join the Elector; for no sooner
Thus in the year 1704 the situation was completely reversed in Germany; Vienna was delivered; the French invaders were expelled; the Elector of Bavaria was a fugitive, his dominions being placed under Austrian control by the Convention of Ilbersheim (November 7) ; and French prestige destroyed by a blow without a parallel since Condé had destroyed the Spanish reputation at Rocroi. Nor could Louis XIV balance this disaster with any success elsewhere. In Italy, Victor Amadeus, though sore beset and isolated, still maintained his ground in Piedmont; in the Netherlands nothing had been done since Villeroi's departure; and in the new theatre of operations in the Pyrenean Peninsula and the Mediterranean the advantage had remained with the Allies.
In the negotiations as to the Partition Treaties the question of the Mediterranean had been one of the most important issues. William, fresh from the experience of the last war, had seen that, were Spain to pass to a Bourbon, England would be excluded from the Mediterranean unless she could secure a base within the Straits. He had fought hard to obtain Minorca for England; and, but for the reluctance of Rooke to venture out so late in the season, a squadron would probably have been despatched to Cadiz in the autumn of 1701 to forestall the French in occupying that all-important position. William was pressing on the preparations for such an expedition, when his death, which threw all arrangements out of gear, caused a herious delay in its departure. The instructions issued to Rooke leave no doubt that the expedition was
One important result of Portugal's change of sides was that, when the Emperor decided to transfer his rights over Spain to his second son, Archduke Charles, and to despatch him to the Peninsula to prosecute his claim, a good base was secured for the operations of the troops which England and Holland sent out to assist him (February, 1704). Philip V was, however, prepared for the attack ; and by land little was accomplished. It was .at sea, not ashore, that took place the principal operations of the Allies in southern Europe in 1704. Seeing clearly that the capture of Toulon would be the most damaging blow that could be inflicted on France, Marlborough had planned that, after Rooke had escorted Archduke Charles to the Tagus, he should carry his fleet to the Riviera and there gain touch with the Duke of Savoy, who was to furnish the land forces needed to cooperate with the British navy in this great enterprise. Unfortunately for the Allies, it was at this time wholly out of the power of the Duke of Savoy to spare any troops for an attack on Toulon. Accordingly, Rooke had to fall back on his alternative task of assisting the operations of the Archduke, and returned to the Straits. On the way home, he unluckily just failed to intercept the French squadron from Brest, which the Count of Toulouse was bringing(1 This Treaty, signed by Paul Methuen, must be distinguished from the famous "Methuen Treaty" concluded by his father John (formerly Lord Chancellor of Ireland) on December 27, by which Portugal was commercially tied to England. Greatly to the damage of the general commercial and industrial interests of Portugal, her wines were admitted into England at a duty lower by one-third than that levied upon French wines, while the importation of English woollens into Portugal was permitted.)
to the assistance of the Toulon squadron, sighting them without being-able to overtake them (May 27). At the Straits, Rooke found reinforcements awaiting him from the Channel Fleet, sent southward as soon as the destination of Toulouse was known, which brought his fleet up to over 50 sail of the line. Thus reinforced, he decided to carry out an enterprise which English strategists had been contemplating for some time past. The capture of Gibraltar (August 4) was, like the destruction of the Plate fleet at Vigo, a useful rather than a brilliant achievement, for both garrison and defences were weak ; but, if Rooke's merits in this matter are sometimes overstated, he has not generally received proper credit for the action which he fought three weeks later-the only encounter of the main battle fleets during the War. Believing that Rooke was going to attack Barcelona, Toulouse had put to sea with about 50 sail of the line (July 29) ; and, on hearing of the loss of Gibraltar, he hastened to the Straits to see if he could do anything to retrieve the situation. Ilooke was cruising to the eastward of Gibraltar, to cover his prize from any attempt to recover it; and on August 24< he fell in with the French oft' Velez Malaga. The odds were approximately equal ; for, if the Allies had a slight superiority in ships, they were very short-handed, and were also seriously handicapped by the great expenditure of ammunition in the capture of Gibraltar. It was a hard-fought encounter-" the sharpest day's service I ever saw," Rooke called it-of which tactically the Allies had by no means the worst, preventing Toulouse's efforts to break their line, and ultimately forcing the French to draw off* so roughly mauled that next day, when he had the wind, Toulouse made no attempt to renew the action but withdrew to Toulon, leaving the Allies in possession of the fortress they had fought for. Strategically, there was no doubt about the victory; and during the rest of the War the French made no serious effort to challenge the Allied control of the Mediterranean, their fleet retiring into the shelter of Toulon whenever the British appeared in any strength. Shortly afterwards, it is true, when the lateness of the season had forced Rooke to depart homeward with the bulk of his fleet, Gibraltar was vigorously assailed by land by the Marquis of Villadarias with a large Franco-Spanish army, supported by a small squadron under de Pointis ; but the siege proved ineffectual, and in March, 1705, Leake finally raised it by destroying the blockading squadron off* Marbella Point (March 21).
For the campaign of 1705 Marlborough had planned an invasion of France by the line he had pretended to be about to use in 1704-that of the Moselle and Saar. His aim was to penetrate to Metz, thereby turning the fortresses of the Netherlands and also cutting off Alsace from the interior. However, neither the States General, who had promised to fill his magazines, nor the Rhenish Electors on whom he was relying for transport, performed their obligations; and, when the death of the
Emperor (May 5) caused the recall home of the Austrian contingent, Marl-borough, not relishing the prospect of a campaign with a colleague so unsympathetic to him as Lewis of Baden, decided to transfer himself and his army to the Netherlands. Here Villeroi had already taken the offensive by capturing Huy (May 24) ; but Marlborough's return sent him back to his lines, out of which the Duke, despite the constant interference of Dutch deputies, proceeded to manœuvre him by a series of adroitly planned and skilfully executed enterprises. Feints against the extremities of the lines diverted Villeroi's attention and allowed the Duke to pierce their centre near Tirlemont (July 18); but the obstruction of the Dutch spoilt more than one fair chance of victory, and the campaign ended with the levelling of the lines between the Méhaigne and the Demer as the only thing accomplished. This, however, caused a strong detachment to be called up from Alsace, so that Villars was reduced to the defensive (August), just as he had taken Weissenburg and seemed likely to recover the line of the Lauter. In Italy, rather more had been accomplished. Eugene, taking the field in April, forced Vendôme's brother, the Grand Prior of France, to abandon the line of the Oglio and retire hastily behind the Adda by appearing on his flank and rear at Brescia (June 23). However, at Cassano (August 16) Vendôme checked Eugene's advance somewhat sharply ; and the Austrians had finally to retire towards Tyrol for the winter. Still, Eugene's activity had greatly relieved the pressure on Piedmont, enabled Turin to hold out, and kept the half-hearted Duke of Savoy true to his new alliance.
The next campaign opened badly for the Imperialists in Italy. In April, 1706, Vendôme made a sudden attack on their cantonments round Brescia, driving them back into Tyrol in confusion, just as Eugene returned from his labours at Vienna, whither he had gone to obtain reinforcements and a supply of money for the army in Italy.
Had the Allied commanders been able to have their own way, Eugene would have been accompanied by Maryborough and a British contingent ; for the Duke, ever looking towards Toulon, hoped in concert with Eugene to sweep the French from northern Italy, and then, assisted by the British fleet in the Mediterranean, to deal the blow hitherto forbidden by the want of a land force at his disposal. It was a scheme more brilliant even than the march to the Danube in 1704 and exhibiting to the full Marl-borough's strategic insight and comprehensive grasp. However, just as he seemed about to win the consent of the States General, the sudden retreat of Lewis of Baden behind the Rhine (April) revived their apprehensions, and prevented the great design from being carried out. But an English subsidy of ^250,000 furnished Eugene with 24,000 troops from Hesse-Cassel,Brandenburg, Saxe-Gotha and the Palatinate; and,thus reinforced, he moved down the left of the Adige (July 5), disregarding Venetian neutrality as in 1701, outflanked Marsin, the new commander of the French army of Italy, and crossed to the south of the Po
(July 18). Once on that bank, he pushed on at great speed, outpacing as well as outflanking the French, who moved parallel up the left bank. Not even at Stradella was any resistance offered ; and, on August 31, the junction with the Duke of Savoy was effected at Villastellona. It was promptly followed up by an advance on Turin, and by the complete defeat of the investing army after a stubbornly-fought battle (September 7), in which the superior numbers of the French were neutralised by Eugene's skilful handling of his troops and prompt improvement of his tactical opportunities. So far as Italy was concerned, the victory was decisive. The French at once evacuated Piedmont, withdrawing to France by Pinerolo and leaving to their own resources their garrisons at Mantua, Alessandria, and in the Milanese. These resisted stoutly, but vainly; and by the end of the year hardly a fortress still held out. The completeness of the French defeat may be judged from the conclusion of the Convention of Milan (March, 1707), by which Louis abandoned northern Italy and withdrew all his troops to France, thereby obtaining a reinforcement which was greatly needed elsewhere, for the French disasters of 1706 had not been confined to Italy.
After having to abandon his scheme for helping Eugene in Italy Marlborough had laid his plans for forcing the lines of the Dyle behind which Villeroi was lying, as he hardly anticipated that the French Marshal would take the offensive. However, Villeroi, hearing that the Prussian and Hanoverian contingents had not yet joined Marlborough, boldly left his lines on May 19 and pushed across the Great Gheete by Tirlemont to Judoigne on his way towards Liege. A rapid concentration at Bilsen and a forced march south-westward enabled Marlborough to plant himself across Villeroi's path, with over 60,000 men, British, Dutch, and Danes ; and, early in the morning of May 23, the two armies came into contact on the high ground which serves as the watershed between the Gheete and the Méhaigne. Villeroi, though surprised to find the Allies on the move, promptly took up his position for battle, resting his right, mainly composed of cavalry, on the Méhaigne at Tavières, posting his centre at Ramillies and Offuz and his left between Offuz and Autre Eglise, its front being covered by the marshes in which the Gheete rises. The position was strong and the French army hardly, if at all, inferior in numbers to the Allies. But the marshes also forbade a counter-attack by the French left; and Marlborough, realising this, contained that wing by a feint with the first line of his right, the rest of which was diverted under cover of some hills to support the left and centre in their attack on the French right. The move was a complete success. Tavières, too far from Ramillies for effectual support, was stormed; a great cavalry combat on the slopes between the Méhaigne and Ramillies ended in the defeat of the French ; and their effort to form a new line, with its left resting on Ramillies, was frustrated by the capture of that village. Next, the Allied cavalry, pushing on, outflanked the new French right in the direction of
In some respects Marlborough's most brilliant victory, Ramillies was remarkable for the relentless vigour of the pursuit, which did not allow the French to rally behind the Scheldt, but forced them to retire hastily up the Lys to Courtray, to avoid being cut off from France. Within a fortnight of the battle, all Brabant and most of Flanders was in Marlborough's hands : Antwerp (May 26), Ghent, Bruges, and Oudenarde were among the towns which capitulated at the first summons, and the capture of Ostend (July 6) gave him a more direct line of communications with England, which he subsequently secured by the successive reduction of Menin (August 22), Dendermonde (September 5), and Ath (October 2). Moreover, his victory paralysed the French in other quarters. Villars lost his chance of following up the retreat of Lewis of Baden from Alsace, because he had to detach 30,000 men to the Netherlands and was reduced to the defensive : Eugene's task was made easier, when the recall of Vendôme to replace Villeroi left him with only Marsin to face.
In the Pyrenean Peninsula also things had gone well for the Allies. After Leake's relief of Gibraltar (March, 1705), Galway advanced into Estremadura from Portugal, taking Valenza and forcing Tessé to evacuate Andalusia to save Badajoz. Meanwhile Shoveil's squadron carried a British force round to the east coast, where Peterborough was thus enabled to inaugurate his remarkable career by the escalade of Monjuich (September 12) and the reduction of Barcelona (October 9,1705). This was followed by the adoption of ihe Habsburg cause by Catalonia and Valencia ; and, though in the following spring, in the absence from the Mediterranean of the bulk of the English fleet, a French army under Tessé invaded Catalonia and besieged Barcelona (February), the return of Leake's fleet in full strength sent the Toulon squadron which had been covering the operations flying back to harbour, and forced Tessé to raise the siege (May 11) and beat a disastrous retreat to France. Valencia was again cleared of the French ; and, on June 26, Madrid passed into the occupation of the Allies. Galway, with an Anglo-Portuguese force, had taken Ciudad Eodrigo in May and advanced by Salamanca on Madrid, Marshal Berwick retiring before him. But outside Catalonia and Valencia hardly a Spaniard was for Charles: Castile rallied to Philip; Berwick returned with reinforcements; and Galway, after a brief stay, found it necessary to evacuate Madrid: while, though joined by Peterborough (August 6), he had finally to retire into Valencia, on the borders of which province he took up his winter-quarters, Peterborough having, shortly before that, left Spain for Italy. Still, despite the failure to hold Madrid, 1706 was a great year for the Allies,
One circumstance which had encouraged Louis to hold out for better terms than the Allies would grant him also contributed largely to hamper Marlborough's operations in 1707. The course of affairs in north-eastern Europe had established the victorious army of Charles XII of Sweden within the boundaries of the Empire at Altranstädt in Saxony; and Louis hoped that the days of Turenne and Wrangel were come again, and that the advance of the Swedish veterans into the Austrian dominions might effect what the direct attack on Vienna by the Danube had failed to do. There were reasons for this hope. Joseph had infuriated Charles by assisting Augustus II, while the Silesian Protestants were appealing to the Swedish King for protection against Austrian oppression and persecution. Throughout central Germany alarm and consternation prevailed ; the Princes prepared to retain for their own defence the troops they would otherwise have hired out to the Maritime Powers ; and so serious was the outlook that Marlborough found it necessary to go in person to Altranstädt to see whether his diplomatic skill could prevent Charles from intervening in western Europe (April, 1707). However, he found his cause half won, for Charles, though anxious to do something for the Silesian Protestants, had preoccupations more pressing than that of embroiling himself with the Maritime Powers in order to assist Louis XIV ; and Marlborough was soon able to return to the Netherlands, secure in the knowledge that Charles on breaking up from Altranstädt would not march on Vienna. Nevertheless, his advance into the Empire had certainly been of use to
France ; for several of the north-German Princes, dreading this unwelcome neighbour, had failed to produce the contingents that should have served with Marlborough in the Netherlands ; so that his force fell short of what was required, and the campaign of 1707 proved disappointingly barren of results. The strength of the French frontiers, all " covered by very strong towns and well fortified," while those of the Allies were open, made it essential that the Allies should outnumber the French by about 25,000 men, in order to provide a besieging force and escorts for convoys and trains over and above the field-force needed to cover sieges. The numerical superiority, however, was with the French, and Vendome, adopting a most cautious defensive, would give no opportunity for a battle. Moreover, when at last Eugene's invasion of Provence, described below, caused the French to detach troops thither from Flanders, and so transferred the superiority to Marlborough, the untimely intervention of the Dutch deputies prevented him from bringing Vendôme to action on favourable terms, near Waterloo ; and soon afterwards unusually wet weather brought the campaign to an abortive close.
Elsewhere, the Allies had done even worse. The campaign of 1706 had been Lewis of Baden's twenty-sixth and last ; worn out by many years of hard service, he died in January, 1707. Although his military talents were not of the highest order and in the school of generals to which he belonged precision and method were apt to degenerate into pedantry and formalism, he had done good service in trying to reorganise the army of the Empire, and had been unrivalled as a constructor of fortified lines. Marlborough and Eugene had found him no very congenial or efficient colleague. Yet his successor in command, Margrave Charles Ernest of Brandenburg-Baireuth, was certainly his inferior. The campaign of 1707 on the Rhine illustrates admirably the utter inefficiency of the defensive arrangements of the Empire. The* " Unarmed Members " endeavoured to shirk their obligations to provide funds ; while the " Armed Members" preferred to hire out their troops to the Maritime Powers rather than employ them at their own cost in the common cause. Thus, when, in May, Villars unexpectedly took the offensive, crossing the Rhine and assaulting the famous lines of Stolhofen (May 22), he found them weakly held, and had little difficulty in capturing them. This success allowed him to push forward into Swabia, requisitioning and plundering freely in all directions. His raiding parties spread terror throughout south-western Germany, levying contributions on Wurtemberg, Baden, the Palatinate, and the Swabian Circle. However, in July, ten battalions and twelve squadrons had to be detached to Provence ; and on the supersession of the incompetent Margrave of Baireuth by the Elector George Lewis of Hanover, who brought with him some 6000 men, the French retired across the Rhine (September), having, in the words of an angry colonel in Marlborough's army, "overrun the lazy and sleepy Empire and not
But these reverses on the Rhine were trifling, compared with the disastrous turn affairs had taken in Spain. Hoping that Galway's army might be utilised to cooperate with Eugene in the attack on Toulon, which now seemed at last practicable, Marlborough had despatched reinforcements to the Peninsula. Unfortunately a disagreement between Galway and Archduke Charles led to a separation ; and the Archduke's departure for Catalonia left Galway with only 15,000 men, a bare third of whom were British, while half were Portuguese and the rest Dutch and Huguenots. Endeavouring, with this motley force, to defeat Berwick before the Duke of Orleans could reinforce him, Galway gave battle at Almanza (April 25, 1707), and, largely through the misconduct of the Portuguese, suffered a complete defeat, which lost Aragon, Murcia and Valencia to the Allies, and for the rest of the year reduced them to a mere defensive in Catalonia. Worse than this, no troops could be spared to assist Eugene's invasion of Provence, a task which had to be undertaken with most inadequate forces, inasmuch as the Emperor foolishly insisted on detaching some 13,000 men under Daun on the quite subsidiary errand of the reduction of Naples, when success at the critical spot, Toulon, would have been the surest road to the ultimate acquisition of southern Italy. Daun easily achieved his task ; the Neapolitan population was bitterly hostile to the Bourbons, whose weak garrisons, cut off from all chance of succour by the English command of the sea, merely offered a feeble resistance which came to an end in September. But this success could not compensate for the failure of Eugene's attack on Toulon. Moving by the Col di Tenda, Eugene had crossed the Var on July 11, and, although hampered by the negligence and inefficiency of the Duke of Savoy, had reached Frejus, and was in touch with Shovell and the British fleet, by the 16th. But the Duke's procrastination caused further delays, and gave time for the troops which Berwick was sending home from Spain to reinforce Marshal Tessé at Toulon before the arrival of the Allies (July 26). On August 14, Tessé retook the all-important heights of Santa Catarina, which the Allies had stormed a week earlier ; and Eugene, finding his retreat menaced and little chance of taking Toulon, had to abandon his attempt (August 22), and fall back across the Var, having lost 10,000 men in this ill-fated enterprise. Its only fruit was that, in order to prevent their ships falling into the enemy's hands, the French had sunk their whole squadron of more than 50 sail in the harbour, and thereby put it quite out of their power to contest the English control of the Mediterranean.
French diplomacy, whose superiority to its rivals in this period was still as incontestable as till recently had been the military preeminence of France, had not ceased from its efforts since their failure in the
For the campaign of 1708 it had been proposed that Marlborough should occupy Vendôme and the main French army, over 80,000 strong, in the Netherlands, while a joint advance was made by George Lewis of Hanover upon Alsace, and by Eugene by the Saar and Moselle. But George Lewis, through no fault of his own. could not carry out his share of the design. The failure of many of the principal German Powers, notably Saxony and Prussia, to provide their proper contingents made it impossible for the army of the Empire, whose available force was under 20,000, to take the field ; and Eugene had accordingly to fall back on the alternative plan, which had all along been contemplated, of transferring to the Netherlands his 76 squadrons and 33 battalions, in all some 35,000 men, mainly Austrians, Hessians and Palatines. Here Vendôme had been beforehand with the Allies, taking the field at the beginning of July, and by rapid movements securing the line of the Scheldt, the gates of Bruges and Ghent being opened to him bv French partisans within. Too. late to save western Flanders, Marlborough took up his position at Assche, to cover Brussels and await Vendôme's next move or Eugene's arrival. After the fall of the citadel of Ghent (July 8), Vendôme decided to besiege Oudenarde, the possession of which would^ greatly improve the communications between Ghent and Bruges and the French frontier; and, to cover this operation, he moved up the Dender towards Lessines (July 9). This was Marlborough's opportunity. Though Eugene's troops were not yet up, and his own army was more than 10,000 weaker than Vendôme's, he never hesitated. By a great forced march, which carried his vanguard over the Dender at Lessines on the evening of the 9th, he interposed between Vendôme and the French frontier and caused the French commander to fall back to the north-
The victory of Oudenarde exhibits clearly Marlborough's wonderful power for fighting an impromptu battle and his remarkable eye for ground. The physical feat performed by his troops in fighting such a battle, after covering nearly fifty miles between 2 a.m. on the 9th and 2 p.m. on the llth, is also noteworthy ; but what is most striking in connexion with his victory of Oudenarde is the daring use to which Marlborough would have put it, could he have obtained the consent of the Dutch and of Eugene, who had himself arrived in time to share in the victory, and whose army arrived a few days after the action. Marlborough would have boldly pushed on into France, merely masking the great fortress of Lille, and have thereby transferred the war to French territory ; while the descent upon Normandy of a corps under General Erie would have provided him with a new line of communications with England. He counted on the invasion of France for bringing about automatically the evacuation of western Flanders by the remnants of Vendome's army. The scheme was, however, too unorthodox even for the enterprising Eugene ; and it was decided that the Prince's army should proceed to besiege Lille, Marlborough covering the operation against interference by Berwick, who had come up from the Moselle with 20,000 men and was endeavouring to join Vendôme. About the middle of August the siege was begun, and, despite the stout defence of the veteran Boufflers,
As in 1706, so in the spring of 1709 Louis made his first overtures to the Dutch; but Heinsius, who, so late as December, 1708, had declared the adherence of the States General to the principle of the renunciation of the entire Spanish monarchy by the House of Bourbon, would hear nothing of any separate negotiation. Thus, before the pourparlers between Rouillé, who was soon joined by Torcy, and the Dutch delegates, Buys and van der Dussen, which began on March 17, had proceeded far, a clear understanding had been reached between Heinsius and Marlborough. The concessions which the French envoys were empowered to make might well have satisfied the Allies, if they had been prepared to entertain any notion of a partition of the Spanish monarchy. Louis was prepared to be satisfied with the retention by Philip of Naples and Sicily only ; all the rest of the Spanish inheritance was to be given up ; and Mons, Namur, and even Strassburg, were to be surrendered, Lille alone being restored to France. After an interview at the Hague between Marlborough and Torcy on May 17, at which the French envoy attempted to obtain lower terms by bribery on a grand scale, he on the 19th informed Heinsius that he was empowered to offer the cession of the entire Spanish inheritance. Louis XIV had some weeks earlier consented to recognise the Protestant Succession in England, and it was understood that no objection would ultimately be made to the cession of Newfoundland to England, on which Marlborough had in addition insisted, or to the satisfaction of Savoy. The real difficulty lay in the question of the guarantee which Louis could furnish for Philip's surrender of the Spanish monarchy. The Dutch, with unerring instinct, proposed that the three French towns, Valenciennes, St Omer, and Cambray, should be pledged to the States General ; and this solution was supported at the Hague by the veteran authority of Portland (Bentinck). But, recognising that it was England upon whom it would devolve to settle affairs in Spain, the English Government, represented by Townshend at the Hague, demurred; and the Emperor and Savoy now raised their demands.
Thus, the Preliminaries presented on May 28 to Torcy on behalf of the Allies as an ultimatum, provided for a return to the conditions of 1648, including a greatly improved " Barrier " for the Dutch and the retrocession of Alsace and Franche Comté, the demolition of the works of Dunkirk, the recognition of the Hanoverian Succession in England and the expulsion of the Pretender from France, and added the demand that Louis should, by August 1, obtain the surrender by Philip of the Spanish monarchy, or, in case of this not being effected, take measures, in conjunction with the Allies, for effecting it. The truce between the belligerents was, in the event of the surrender of the Spanish monarchy within the period fixed, to last till the conclusion and ratification of peace -in other words, Louis might eventually find himself obliged, with diminished possessions and reduced resources, to resume the war. Torcy at once pointed out the necessity of the ratification of peace preceding any efforts which Louis might make to bring about the cession of the Spanish monarchy-for how, he asked, could the King use force towards his grandson ? It was, in truth, a concession which not even Oudenarde and Lille, following upon Turin, Ramillies and Blenheim, could wring from Louis ; and, as Madame de Maintenon declared, France would not have been France, had the nation failed to support the King in his refusal. Torcy, though preserving perfect calmness, promptly took his departure from the Hague on May 28, and on the same evening from Brussels intimated to Prince Eugene that the King had rejected the Preliminaries. On June 2 the news reached Villars' headquarters that the war was to proceed ; nine days later Louis issued from Versailles his manifesto to his people, denouncing the Allies as having dishonoured France by their demand, and invoking the Divine protection for himself and his army.
It is now known that on July 10, 1709, writing most confidentially to Heinsius, Marlborough, whose ambition has been held largely accountable for the unreasonable demand made on Louis XIV by the Allies, avowed that " were he in the place of the King of France, he should venture the loss of his country much sooner than be obliged to join his troops for the forcing his grandson.'" The accusation, commonly preferred against Marlborough, of having prolonged the war for his own benefit, is untenable ; but he had not at the right moment asserted his more rational views against the obduracy of Townshend, the calculations of the Dutch, and the self-centred obstinacy of the Emperor, who is probably to be held largely responsible for the breakdown. It must, however, be allowed that the cession of the Spanish monarchy-which was still regarded as an indispensable condition of peace-was nugatory without guarantees. While both in Holland and in England there was an outburst of indignation against the defiant resolution of France, Marlborough and Prince Eugene were, not perhaps very fairly, blaming Dutch statesmanship for having found no better way of securing from Louis a satibfactory guarantee of the Spanish cession ; and Heinsius was exhibiting his
Meanwhile, in the negotiations which still dragged their length along, the question of a Dutch " Barrier " of Belgic fortresses remained as if it were a fixed point. It will, perhaps, be most convenient to review the whole question of this provision for the protection of the Dutch frontier in connexion with the third and final Barrier Treaty of 1715. Here, therefore, it will suffice to say that the first Treaty known by this name with the States General was signed by Townshend on October 29, 1709. It was, so to speak, an open secret. The United Provinces by it acquired the right of garrisoning nine fortified places in the Spanish Netherlands, together with ten others, should they be retaken from the French; and were thus constituted by England the guardians of southern Belgium-and, as it seemed to Prince Eugene, the eventual masters of the whole of the Belgic provinces. The protests of the Emperor were made in vain, for it was quite clear from this time onwards that, if the Maritime Powers held out by each other, the House of Habsburg was reduced to passivity as to this part of any ultimate settlement.
The exorbitant demands of the Allies had in the early summer of 1709 enabled Louis to make a stirring appeal to the dignity and patriotism of his subjects. Summoned to save France from a Coalition bent on her humiliation and ruin, all classes rallied round their aged monarch with wonderful alacrity and enthusiasm. Recruits flocked forward to replete the diminished ranks ; nobles imitated the King in sending their plate to the Mint ; the incompetent Chamillart was dismissed from the Ministry of War ; and, by dint of astounding efforts, a tolerably well-equipped army of some 90,000 men was placed at the disposal of Villars, the only French Marshal who had not yet suffered defeat at the hands of the Allies. Moreover, the long delays over the negotiations provided the French with a welcome respite, which Villars utilised to reorganise and reanimate the troops and to construct fortified lines from Douay to St Venant, covering Arras and barring the line of advance between the Lys and the Scarpe. Not till June did the rupture of the negotiations allow the Allies to begin operations, and by that time Villars had made his lines so strong that even Marlborough shrank from a frontal attack, proposing to turn them by an advance into France along the coast, in which he would have used the British fleet as his movable base. But this daring design did not meet with Eugene's approval ; and in July the Allies set about the more orthodox task of besieging Tournay, in order to secure the line of the Scheldt. Tournay was ably defended and occupied the Allies until the beginning of September; but Villars, too weak to risk a battle, had to remain inactive in his lines until reinforced by a strong division from the upper Rhine. There it had been
After the fall of Tournay (September 3) the Allied forces were immediately set in motion towards Mons, the movement being covered by a feint on Douay to distract Villars. But the Marshal was not to be deceived ; and, though the Allies anticipated him in seizing the passage (September 7) by Jemmappes through the great forest which lies westward of Mons, he was able to seize the southern passage by Malplaquet, occupying so threatening a position that the Allies found they must drive him away before they could form the siege. Unfortunately, Marlborough's proposal to attack immediately was not adopted ; Eugene seems to have believed that Villars was merely demonstrating and would not fight, and the Dutch deputies urged that the attack should be deferred until the arrival of the last detachment of the besiegers of Tournay. Hence the attack was not made till two days later (September 11), and Villars had utilised the delay to the best purpose, erecting field-works of a most formidable character to cover his naturally advantageous position. His main body was posted on a ridge less than two miles long, flanked to the right and the left by the woods of Lasnières and Taisnières, while the wood of Sart projecting in front of his left flanked and enfiladed the direct advance against his front. Seeing that this wood of Sart was the key to the French position, Marlborough and Eugene resolved to make their main attack in this quarter, merely demonstrating on their left against the wood of Lasnières. Unfortunately, a blunder of the Prince of Orange converted this demonstration into a real attack, which resulted in a disastrous repulse for his Dutchmen, who lost very heavily. This allowed Villars to reinforce his hard-pressed left from his right, and a counter-attack drove the Allies back until it in turn was checked by a column under Withers, which had worked round through the woods and now fell upon the extreme left of the French. Boufflers, now in command as Villars had been badly wounded, had therefore to weaken his right centre in order to hold Withers in check ; and this gave Marlborough his opportunity. Orkney's British and Hanoverian infantry were pushed forward against the French entrenchments, carried them,
Meanwhile, the events of 1708 and 1709 had done little to shake Philip's hold on Spain. Early in 1708 Galway had returned from the east coast to Portugal, as it had been resolved to employ in Catalonia in place of the untrustworthy Portuguese German troops set free by the armistice in Italy. However, before the Germans under Starhemberg could arrive, the Franco-Spaniards had taken Tortosa (July 15, 1708) and cut the communications between Catalonia and Valencia; and even when the Germans did arrive they failed to prevent the reduction of Dénia (November, 1708) and of Alicante (April, 1709), the only places left to Charles in Valencia. The one success gained by the Allies in this region in 1708 was the capture of Minorca by Leake and Stanhope (September 14-30,1708)-a well-conducted entei'prise, which at a small cost secured for the English fleet the one thing of which it had hitherto stood in need, a harbour in the Mediterranean where a squadron could winter and be properly refitted. For Marlborough, seeing the ill-success of his designs on Toulon, had fallen back on the less satisfactory expedient of maintaining a squadron permanently in the Mediterranean, to mask the Toulon fleet and so furnish the Allied generals with that secure naval support for which they were always asking. The expedition had been undertaken at his urgent request, and the equipment of Port Mahon with the stores and appliances needed for a dockyard was at once set on foot. However, little was done in 1709 to advance the Habsburg cause in the Peninsula : even after all the French troops had been recalled from Spain to succour Louis in his great emergency (August) Starhemberg effected nothing beyond the capture of Balaguer (September), which facilitated the next year's advance ; while Galway, invading Spanish Estremadura, suffered a sharp reverse on the Caya (May 17), through the rashness of his Portuguese colleague, de Fronteira. Philip's hold on the Peninsula was unshaken, and even the successes of the Allies in 1710 only served to confirm it.
Thus, in the course of the campaigns of 1709 there seemed to he a balance of loss and gain between the adversaries such as might justify renewed attempts at negotiating peace. Spain was practically out of the control of the Allies ; and the Government of the United Provinces, with its own future secured by the Barrier Treaty, was for peace ; though the question of the ultimate definition of the Barrier made it less feasible than ever for the States General to proceed to a settlement without their Maritime Ally. Thus the overtures made by Torcy in November, 1709, as to a resumption of negotiations on the basis of the May Preliminaries, led to a meeting of Dutch and French plenipotentiaries at the Hague (January 18, 1710) and to a declaration by Louis (February) that he was prepared to assent to the proposed basis, subject to a fresh consideration of the question as to the guarantees of the cession. On March 10 conferences were actually opened in nominal secrecy at Gertruydenberg (or rather on a yacht between that place and Mierdyk), and they were continued at intervals till near the end of April. France was represented by Marshal d'Huxelles and the Abbé (afterwards Cardinal) de Polignac, who found more than their match in Buys and van der Dussen. England and the Emperor at first held aloof; though the former Power still controlled the action of her Maritime Ally. It is, however, tolerably clear that from the outset Maryborough and Townshend agreed with the Dutch statesmen in contemplating a partial cession only on the part of Philip, and that even the Whig Government at home was wavering. The Emperor's estrangement from the Maritime Powers increased in proportion as England's attitude altered. Joseph, very unreasonably, objected to a partition of the Spanish monarchy, and the proposal to give Sicily to Philip was vehemently opposed by Savoy- though Godolphin and Marlborough, as well as Heinsius, would have agreed to this. Moreover, the wish, certainly cherished at this time by Louis, that his grandson should yield, met with no response on the part of Philip ; and no result seeming attainable at Gertruydenberg, the conferences were, on the proposal of the Dutch, interrupted for some time. The campaigns of 1710 had already begun, when Louis went so far as to-offer the Allies a monthly subsidy of 150,000 livres, to be eventually doubled, for their coercive operations in the Pyrenean Peninsula. The proposal was rejected by the Dutch plenipotentiaries on their return to Gertruydenberg. It was more clear than ever that the result depended on the decision of England, whether in return for liberal trade concessions by Spain and the transfer of Newfoundland by France, she would assent to a partition of the Spanish monarchy which would leave Spain alone to Philip. The Dutch would in the end be content with a good Barrier ; and the Emperor would have to be content with what he could get. Savoy, who vehemently opposed the cession of Sicily to Philip, could not turn the balance.
But, though the decision lay with England, Marlborough was no
Thus, in July, 1710, the inflexible attitude of Buys and vau der Dussen rendered a continuation of the Gertruydenberg Conferences hopeless ; and the French plenipotentiaries withdrew with an angry protest, to which the States General replied by an elaborate argument representing the King of France as alone responsible for the continuance of the struggle. But a memorandum handed in by the French was not without its effect upon the peace party in the United Provinces ; and both there and in England the feeling grew that the real reason for the breakdown of the negotiations had been the excessive demands of the Mari lime Powers.
Even before the Conferences were over, in July, 1710, Starhemberg, whose strength reinforcements from Italy had raised to a total of 25,000, took the offensive, invaded Aragon, beat Philip's army at Almenara (July 27), and more decisively at Saragossa (August 19), after which he pushed on to Madrid, which for the second time in the war was occupied (September 23) by the Habsburg claimant. But, as in 1706, Castile rallied to Philip ; no help was forthcoming from Portugal, for Vendôme, sent by Louis to command his grandson's armies, had moved into the Tagus valley by Valladolid, Salamanca (October 6) and Talavera (October 19), interposing between the Allies in Madrid and their friends in Portugal. As in 1706, Madrid soon proved untenable. During the retreat of the Allies to the coast one of their divisions was defeated and forced to capitulate at Brilmega (December 8), the other securing a safe withdrawal by the battle, tactically indecisive, of Villa Viciosa (December 10). Thus once again the Habsburgs were confined to Catalonia, and even this was hardly secure, for in Januarv, 1711, Gerona surrendered to de Noailles.
Operations had began in the Netherlands with a sudden concentration of the Allies at Tournay (April 19), followed by a dash across the lines of La Basse'e, which caught the French unprepared and allowed Marlborough to form the siege of Douay (May 5). The place made a most gallant defence, but Villars could give it no help ; he could not risk the last army of France in a pitched battle, and therefore set
Before, however, the operations of 1711 could be opened, the best chance of a decisive campaign had vanished with the sudden death (April 17) of the Emperor Joseph. This event completely altered the European situation, as it left Archduke Charles the head of the Habsburg family and the obvious successor on the Imperial throne. It was hardly possible that the Grand Alliance, which had been formed in order to prevent a cadet of the Bourbon family from ascending the Spanish throne, should continue the war to reunite the dominions of Charles V under the head of the Austrian Habsburgs. Joseph's death thus provided the Tory Ministry with an additional justification for their determination to bring the war to an end, and to meet the growing feeling that an annual expenditure which had steadily risen in the course of ten years from nearly four to nearly seven millions sterling had become intolerable. According to William Ill's settlement England had bound herself to furnish two parts out of every five of the land forces required of the war, and five parts out of every eight of the sea forces ; and yet it was estimated that above these quotas, England from first to last expended twenty millions sterling to cover the military and naval deficiencies of her Allies.
Yet, though there could be no pretence that the war was any longer
Allies, while assuring to England herself the substance of what she actually secured in the Peace of Utrecht.
Apart from its influence upon the diplomatic situation, the death of Joseph had seriously interfered with the Allied plan of campaign for 1711. Eugene and the greater part of his army were called off to the Rhine, to cover the Imperial election at Frankfort from any possibility of interruption on the part of the French troops in Alsace ; and Marlborough found himself at the head of a force nearly 24<,000 weaker than the 88,000 with whom Villars was about to defend his celebrated lines. This masterpiece of military engineering ran almost from the coast of Picardy to the Sambre and Meuse, the Canche, the Scarpe and other minor rivers having been dammed in several places to protect tracts of country with inundations. It really appeared as if Villars' boast would be borne out and Marlborough had at last met his "iion plus ultra.'1'' But Villars had yet to learn the full measure of his great adversary's talent. All endeavours to lure Villars from his position into another pitched battle having proved fruitless, Marlborough, after capturing (July 6) a fort at Arleux which commanded a causeway over the inundations of the Sanzee, mo\ ed westward on Arras, as though about to tempt destruction by making a frontal attack on the very strongest portion of the lines (August). Deceived by the feint, Villars, who had just retaken and destroyed Arleux (July 21), hastened to send reinforcements to his left. Marlborough's success was assured. Calling on his men for one of those great efforts he never demanded unnecessarily or in vain, he countermarched his troops from Arras to Arleux, covering forty miles in eighteen hours, pushed across the causeway almost unopposed, and thus pierced the lines on which Villars had so confidently relied (August 5). In vain Villars tried to catch Marlborough at a disadvantage ; the Duke covered the bridging of the Scheldt by a demonstration against Cambray, after which he crossed to the right of the Scheldt and proceeded to invest Bouchain (August 8). As before, Villars would not fight a battle for a beleaguered fortress, and Bouchain fell on September 13 after what Archdeacon Hare characterised as " the best conducted siege we have made this war." The capture of Bouchain brought the Allies into an excellent position for an advance into France ; but it was Marlborough's last exploit. The Tories had determined to overthrow him ; and on December 31 he was summarily dismissed from all his employments, in order that he might be put on his trial on a charge of misappropriating public moneys which had actually been used for secret service and intelligence work.
The death of Joseph I, though it had thus neither created the desire for peace, nor been the starting-point of the negotiations to that end, justified the indifference of England-and of Holland, if but her "Barrier" were secured-to the continuance of the Grand Alliance. Lord Raby (soon afterwards Earl of Strafford), who had superseded
Townshend as British envoy at the Hague, joined with Hcinsius in working for the transfer of the Spanish monarchy to Victor Amadeus II of Savoy, whose eldest son, the Prince of Piedmont, should marry an Austrian Archduchess. But the endeavours of Peterborough, who had arrived at Vienna in February to allay the suspicions of the Imperial Government, and now pressed this solution upon it, were only met by Count Wratislaw, the confidential adviser of Leopold I, by the suggestion of an English guarantee of the Habsburg tenure of Hungary. The estrangement between the English and Imperial Governments continued to increase. In July Count Gallas, the Imperial envoy at St James', demanded official information on the subject of the negotiations with France, and, when he was furnished with a copy of the preliminaries agreed upon with Mesnager, treated them with incredulous contempt. Meanwhile, Heinsius and his colleagues had early in May been informed of the French proposals ; and an active correspondence soon ensued between the English and the Dutch Government, which revealed the fears of the latter for their " Barrier " ; while Lord Sir afford took up a high tone, and his Government kept in secret touch with the Dutch peace party through John Drummond, an English merchant at Amsterdam. Though Count Goëss, who had in September arrived at the Hague as Imperial envoy, made one more attempt to keep the Alliance together, he could not prevent the acceptance by the Dutch on November 21, 1711, of a Peace Congress to be held at Utrecht in the following January, with the French proposals as its preliminaries. Early in December the Emperor Charles VI crossed the German frontier on his way from Barcelona, where he had left his young Empress Elizabeth behind him as a pledge of his determination not to abandon Spain ; on his journey through northern Italy he had had an interview with Victor Amadeus. At Innsbruck the Emperor, after deliberating the situation with Prince Eugene and Counts Gallas, Wratislaw, and Sinzendorf, resolved to adopt the suggestion of Marlborough that Prince Eugene should be sent to England on a special mission, and that in the meantime no plenipotentiary should be sent to the proposed Congress.
Yet its approaching meeting was announced in the Queen's Speech of December 11, in terms implying the existence of the most perfect harmony of purpose between the members of the Grand Alliance. It has been seen elsewhere how the address of the House of Lords declaring against any peace which should leave Spain and the Indies in the possession of the House of Bourbon was answered by the creation of twelve new Peers (December 31). Prince Eugene landed in London January 16, 1712 ; but he soon began to doubt the probability of success, though he continued his efforts to secure joint action on the part of the Emperor, the States General, Hanover, and the Whigs, and presented memorandum upon memorandum to the Englibh Government. The last of these demanded a change in the Preliminaries of the Congress which - as a
It was on January 1, 1712, that the open negotiations between the Allies and France began at Utrecht. The efforts of Count Gallas, the over-impetuous Austrian ambassador, had failed to shake the determin ation of the Tories and only produced his own recall ; and Eugene's two months in London had been spent to no purpose. However, the meeting of the Conferences was not accompanied by an armistice, and in planning his operations for the summer Eugene still counted on the assistance of the English and their auxiliaries, now under the Duke of Ormond. His scheme was to turn the French lines at the head of the Sambre, besiege Quesnoy and Landrecies, and so open up the way to Paris by the valley of the Oise. In May he proceeded to put this plan into operation, and laid siege to Quesnoy, Ormond's corps covering the siege. Quesnoy fell on July 4 ; but, just as Eugene was about to invest Landrecies, he was informed by Ormond (July 16) that an armistice had been concluded between Great Britain and France, and that in conformity with its terms he was about to withdraw his troops to Dunkirk, which was to be handed over to Great Britain as a pledge of French good faith. But when Ormond gave orders to his corps to quit the Allied camp only the contingents of Holstein, Liege and Saxe- Coburg, little more than 3000 men, followed him; the rest of the auxiliaries, some 118 squadrons and 44 battalions, of whom 6200 men were Danes, 10,400 Hanoverians, 4000 Hessians, 8700 Prussians and 5900 Saxons, all refused to leave Eugene and remained with him to the end of the campaign, although, on learning of their refusal to obey Ormond, England at once ceased to pay the subsidies for their support. Thanks to this action on the part of the German auxiliaries, Eugene, who had about 150 squadrons and 80 battalions of Austrians and Dutch, felt himself strong enough to continue his operations, and accordingly invested Landrecies (July 18). It was a somewhat hazardous proceeding ; for the departure of the English transferred the numerical superiority to Villars, who was able to safely call up troops from other points thus made secure ; moreover, the refusal of the Dutch deputies to let the principal depot of the Allies be moved from Marchiennes to Quesnoy compelled Eugene to extend his lines beyond prudent limits. Still, to have remained inactive would have certainly discouraged his men, and it would have equally encouraged the French had he seemed disheartened. Villars was not slow to see his opportunity, and, after drawing off' Eugene's attention by feinting at the main position of the Allies on the Escaillon, he hurled strong forces against the Dutch, who were guarding the bridge at Denain (July 24), and thereby covering the great magazine at Marchiennes. Surprised and outnumbered, the Dutch made but a feeble resistance to Villars1 vigorous attack, and, long before Eugene could bring up reinforcements, they had given way in disorder and were
The change of affairs in the field naturally affected the course of the negotiations at Utrecht. The Dutch were already weary of the war, and intent upon ending it if satisfied as to their " Barrier." The conclusion of a peace was further advanced, when Louis induced his grandson to abandon formally his claims on France, which had recently acquired increased importance through the deaths of the Dauphin (April, 1711) and of the Dukes of Burgundy (February, 1712) and Britanny (March, 1712). With this renunciation Bolingbroke (St John) also had to be content ; though he would probably have preferred to see Victor Amadeus at Madrid. But Philip's hold on Spain was too secure to be shaken; and, in August, 1712, a suspension of hostilities in the Peninsula was arranged, though it was not till the following autumn that Starhemberg and his men finally evacuated Catalonia. Long before this the Peace of Utrecht had been signed. The patent divisions in the Allied camp, the knowledge that the English Ministry had made up their minds to conclude peace, and the improvement in his position wrought by Villars' success, allowed Louis to assume a suffer attitude and to reduce the concessions he had to make ; and, though the Emperor-Charles had been duly elected in October, 1711-was somewhat unreasonable in refusing to give up his claims on Spain and to content himself with the ample possessions offered him in Italy, it is easier to sympathise with his obstinacy than to condemn it. Finally, on April 11, 1713, the Peace (which is analysed elsewhere) was signed without the Emperor's assent.
On the conclusion of the Peace Eugene removed the Austrian forces, 67 squadrons of cavalry and 14 battalions of infantry, from the Netherlands to the upper Rhine to cooperate with the army of the Empire, which he found very much below its proper strength. Almost the only
In June French detachments pushed over the Rhine, occupying Speier and Mannheim, and so covering the siege of Landau, which Villars began on June 24. It proved a protracted affair ; for, despite Eugene's inaction, the fortress held out till August 26 before surrendering. Villars then crossed the river at Strassburg, stormed the lines constructed to cover the Freiburg Pass over the Black Forest (September 20), and, pressing hard on the heels of the fugitives, invested the town. Again Eugene, too weak to risk a battle, had to be a passive spectator of a gallant but unavailing defence. Freiburg resisted till well into October ; the castle held out till November 17. To blame Eugene for his inactivity would be absurd ; like Wellington on the Portuguese frontier in 1810, he could not risk a fight because for political reasons he could not afford to be beaten ; and the slackness of the German Princes, which left him in so hopeless a numerical inferiority, condemned him without appeal to the defensive.
But it was not on Austria only that the strain of war was telling ; France was equally in need of a rest, and it was actually from Louis XIV that the next overtures for peace came. This time Eugene managed to wring from Charles VI permission to negotiate; and, thanks to the good offices of the Elector Palatine, a conference was ultimately opened at Rastatt on November 26 between Eugene and his old opponent, Villars. The negotiations were long and complicated, the chief obstacles to peace being the questions of the fortifications on the
Rhine, of the treatment of the Emperor's faithful Catalan partisans, and of the reinstatement of the two Wittelsbach Electors, on which Louis insisted, although Maximilian Emanuel of Bavaria seems to have been not disinclined to accept the Spanish Netherlands in lieu of his hereditary possessions. However, the Dutch would not hear of having an adherent of France on their frontier, and in the end his restoration to Bavaria was agreed upon, while Charles had reluctantly to abandon Catalonia to the tender mercies of Philip. On the Rhine, Louis kept Landau and Strassburg, but gave up Alt-Breisach, Freiburg, and Kehl. And so at last an agreement was reached, and on March 7, 1714, the plenipotentiaries signed the Peace of Rastatt, the provisions of which will be detailed below. One step yet remained before peace could be completely restored, the ratification of its terms by the Diet of the Empire-a more or less formal step which was finally taken at Baden in October, 1714.
In the War which thus, after many vicissitudes, at last came to an end there is one figure which certainly stands out preeminent. Marlborough had been the bond which had held the Grand Alliance together ; and, if England can with some justice claim to have had the chief share in the defeat of Louis, it is on her great general's account. His army had, as a rule, contained but a modest contingent of Englishmen, averaging about 20,000 and at times rising to 25,000, though they had shown themselves by no means the least efficient portion of his motley host, and had distinguished themselves repeatedly. But the personal part of Marlborough in the long roll of successes had been a contribution of even greater value towards the revival of the prestige of the British arms. Eugene's reputation, happily for his memory, is unstained by the faults which tarnish Marlborough's glory ; but it is no disparagement to Eugene's admittedly great merits to point out that Marlborough never suffered a Denain or a Freiburg, and that both in the originality and width of his strategic conceptions, as well as in tactical adroitness and resource, the Englishman surpassed even his accomplished and experienced colleague. His handling of all three arms showed how well he had grasped their possibilities, and seen how combination of all three would increase the efficiency of each. His use of his artillery was masterly ; at Malplaquet in particular it was manoeuvred to support both infantry and cavalry in a most daring manner, while the great successes which the British cavalry achieved in so many decisive charges were due to his urgent insistence on the importance of shock-tactics, whereas the French horse, adhering to the vicious system of the seventeenth century, relied not on momentum but on firing from the saddle. But, when the difficulties under which Marlborough had to plan and carry out his campaigns are remembered, the need for accommodating his plans to the interference of ignorant and timid Dutch deputies, and to the selfishness and obstinacy of petty German Princes, his strategic achievements appear even more
(2) THE PEACE OF UTRECHT AND THE SUPPLEMENTARY PACIFICATIONS.
The Peace of Utrecht, as it is commonly called, consists of a series of treaties signed at Utrecht on April 11,1713, supplemented by others which may conveniently be ranged under the same heading. The entire body of these treaties constituted the bases of the peace of Europe for more than a generation-till the outbreak, in 1746, of the War of the Austrian Succession. For, apart from the last stages of the Northern War, all the armed conflicts of importance in Europe, and the efforts of diplomacy to avert or end them, during this period hinge upon the Utrecht settlement, and-if the Peace of Vienna of 1738 be ex-cepted-left its main provisions untouched. These provisions, as was pointed out in an earlier chapter, corresponded with a completeness rare in diplomatic history to the intentions with which the War of the Spanish Succession had been undertaken by England and the Powers associated with her in her resistance to the dominance of France, and which had been clearly formulated in the Treaty of the Hague of September, 1701. Although the House of Bourbon retained Spain and the Spanish possessions in the New World, it lost a larger share of the Spanish monarchy than that which in the negotiations for the Grand Alliance William III had thought it necessary to take away from that House. What had been Spanish Italy became, through the pacifications which we are about to review, part of the Austrian dominions-with the exception of Sicily, of which Victor Amadeus II of Savoy became King, but which in 1720 he exchanged for Sardinia. In northern Italy that astute Prince recovered Savoy and Nice from France; and a counterbalance was thus provided in this part of Europe against the power of the House of Habsburg as well as against that of the Bourbons. On the north-eastern frontier of France
The United Provinces gained a strong Barrier, firmly planted in allied territory, against any renewal of the aggression of France. But though they contrived to secure, in addition, some commercial advantages from the Peace, their political position as a Great Power had gone from them for ever, passing, without any real resistance on their part, to the Power which had been their rival on the sea during many generations in times of war and in times of peace ; and their mercantile supremacy was likewise at an end. The territorial gains of Great Britain herself consisted in Europe of a couple of Mediterranean ports ; and though she extended and strengthened her power in the New World by her gains from France, the significance of this expansion was imperfectly realised at home, and the great European duel in the New World was still to come. On the other hand, England established the security of her Protestant throne ; she obtained commercial advantages of the greatest importance by her treaties with France and Spain ; and to the proofs which the War had given of her ascendancy in Europe, was added this last proof-that the Peace which ended it had been largely the work of her statesmen, and had, beyond all doubt, been made possible by her will alone.
In the following a brief summary of the provisions of the Peace of Utrecht will be attempted, without any detailed statement as to the course of the actual negotiations of which it was the result ; and a brief account will be added of the pacifications by which it was supplemented.
It would be useless to discuss the instructions given to the Bishop of Bristol (John Robinson), Keeper of the Privy Seal, and the Earl of Strafford, English ambassador at the Hague, as English plenipotentiaries at the Congress of Utrecht, inasmuch as these instructions quite fictitiously assumed a close and consistent cooperation between England and her Allies, and excluded any idea of a partition of the Spanish monarchy,
The Congress, the opening of which had been fixed for January 12, 1712, was not actually opened till the 29th. The Emperor had announced at the Hague that he was not prepared to take part in the Congress, until he had received an assurance that the Anglo-French preliminaries would not be regarded as binding. Early in February the French Government disavowed any such intention, and Sinzendorf duly presented himself at the Congress, being followed later by the second Imperial plenipotentiary, the Spaniard Count Corzana ; the third, Baron Caspar Florenz von Cronsbruch, had appeared sooner ; his place was afterwards taken by von Kirchner. Little progress was made in the first period of the sittings of the Congress, which ended on April 6. From this time forward the separate negotiations, carried on more especially in London or at the French Court, advanced the work of peace far more materially than such deliberations as continued to be held at Utrecht, where no general conference again took place till February 2, 1713. These negotiations were carried on by the British Government with fresh energy, after the deaths in the French Royal family (February and 1 In 1710 the number of vessels cleared from English, ports is quoted as 3550 ; in 1711 as 3759; in 1712 as 4267; in 1713 as 5807; in 1714 as 6614. The shipping in London is stated to have increased in these five years from 806 to 1550.
March, 1712) had brought so much nearer the danger, still not removed, of a union between the French and Spanish Crowns.
For the rest, it may be said that the Government of Philip V had no voice at the Congress distinct from that of France, and that the Bourbon King of Spain's personal action was of importance only at the particular point of the negotiations when he made up his mind to prefer the retention of a diminished Spanish to the expectancy of an enlarged French monarchy (May, 1712). Portugal was absolutely tied to England, and, instead of deriving any advantage from the entire course of negotiations, had to console herself with the heavy subsidies paid to her during the course of the War. Promises had been made and prospects held out which gained Savoy over to the side of peace. The States General had to concentrate their energies, as it had been all along intended by the English Government that they should, upon the question of their Barrier ; on December 29, 1712, they finally agreed to accept the Anglo-French preliminaries. Thus, in the progress of the negotiations everything depended on the maintenance of the understanding between France and England ; and for this purpose the conclusion of a truce between them was of the utmost importance. The cession of Dunkirk by the French before the conclusion of the peace enabled Ormond to proclaim this truce on July 16,1712. An Anglo-French pacification was henceforth a virtual certainty; Bolingbroke's journey to France (August 7) and subsequent interviews with Torcy removed all remaining doubts ; and, Savoy being more or less satisfied, the remainder of the negotiations chiefly turned on the satisfaction of the Dutch and of the Emperor. On February 2,1713, the conferences were formally resumed. The Dutch were, as will be seen, not really contented till the conclusion of the Third Barrier Treaty, nearly eighteen months later ; nor was the satisfaction of the Emperor at present accomplished. His demands remained unsupported by England ; and, though on March 14, 1713, Sinzendorf had signed a truce at Utrecht by which the Emperor undertook to withdraw his troops from Catalonia and to concede the neutrality of the whole of Italy, he could not obtain the terms on which he insisted. A last attempt made on his behalf by Shrewsbury at Paris (March, 1713) fell through ; and peace was signed at Utrecht without him (April 11). When the middle of June had been reached, and no message of acceptance had arrived from Vienna, the last of the plenipotentiaries quitted Utrecht ; though the proceedings there were, as will be seen, not yet at an end.
The earliest in date, then, as well as the most important of the Treaties, which it is proposed now briefly to examine was the Peace between France and Great Britain (April 11, 1713). William III had bequeathed to Marlborough and Godolphin, the true inheritors of his statesmanship, a foreign policy which meant war with France, so
Of superior, because of more pressing, importance was Article VI, which settled the nodus pads-the cardinal difficulty of the Peace-the question which after passing through so many phases was now at last determined by the agreement between France and Great Britain. This Article recited the successive Acts of Renunciation precluding the possibility of a personal union between the French and Spanish kingdoms : the Act of Renunciation, performed by Philip V on November 5, 1712 ; its confirmation by the Cortes of Castile in the same month ; and the Renunciations, also in November, performed by Philip's younger brother, Charles Duke of Berry (who died in May, 1714), and by Philip Duke of Orleans (afterwards Regent of France). It further recited the Reservation of the rights of Philip in the succession to the French Crown, declared by Louis XIV in December, 1700, when on the eve of the War of the Spanish Succession, and the Annulment of this Reservation-in other words, the solemn assent of Louis XIV to Philip V's abandonment of his claims to the French throne. These Renunciations were now hedged in by every possible solemnity of obligation ; as it happened, owing to the unexpected survival of Louis' younger great-grandson, the future King Louis XV, there was never any question of contesting their validity. By the same Article, the King of France undertook never to accept in favour of his own subjects any advantage as to
Article IX concerned Dunkirk, whose numerous vicissitudes had not ended with its sale to France by Charles II in 1662. Louis had greatly added to the strength of its fortifications, till it became beyond doubt a very serious menace to Great Britain's maintenance of her power in the Narrow Seas. It had now, as was seen, been evacuated by the French during the peace negotiations ; and it was now stipulated that the King of France should within six months raze the fortifications and fill up the harbour, with an undertaking never to restore them. Louis XIV showed a want of good faith very dishonourable to him, by digging another harbour at Mardyk, a village near Dunkirk, which was intended to be deeper than that which had been filled up, and which was connected with a canal of considerable length. The complaints which at once arose in England obliged him to suspend the operations at Mardyk, on which not less than 12,000 workmen are said to have been employed ; and under the Regency the works were demolished. The Dunkirk clause, to the importance of which English public feeling had shown itself so alive, made its reappearance in a succession of treaties before the Peace of Versailles in 1783, when France at last obtained its abolition.
Articles X, XII and XIII dealt with cessions made by France to Great Britain in the New World, which are justly regarded as the real beginnings of the expansion of the British colonial empire. The Hudson's Bay settlements, to which France had now finally to renounce her pretensions, were of French origin, though the Bay itself had been discovered by the English navigator whose name it bears; and the profitable fur-trade through Canada still remained largely in French hands. On the St Lawrence and in the wooded peninsula at the mouth of the great river French colonial enterprise had continued to progress, after in 1631 Richelieu had recovered both the earlier Canadian settlements and Acadia for France ; and towards the end of the seventeenth century she claimed the entire region from the north of the Mississippi to the Great Lakes on the St Lawrence as her own-the title of New France being habitually given to it in the French maps of the time. It is therefore a notable event in the history of French and of English colonisation, and of the mutual relations between them, when the Utrecht Treaty once more assigned Acadia to England. At the same time recognition was given to her sole possession of St Kitt's (St Christopher's)-one of the Leeward Islands, forming part of the seventeenth century " Plantations." When, in 1660, England and France agreed to make a division between them of the West Indian Islands, St Kitt's, from which the Spaniards had at one time driven out the settlers of both nations, was retained by them in common ; under William III each of the two nationalities had in turn worsted its rival, but the Peace of Ryswyk had reestablished the system of joint occupation. To this confusion the
Peace of Utrecht at last put an end. Article XIII provided in addition for the cession by France of Newfoundland and the adjacent islands ; but Cape Breton Island and the other islands situate at the mouth of the St Lawrence were left in the possession of the French, who were to be still allowed to ply their fishing-trade north of Cape Bonavista, and to occupy the shore of Newfoundland for the purpose of curing their fish. The French fishing-trade in these regions thus continued to flourish, so that at the time of the Peace of Aachen in 1748 it very largely exceeded the English ; nor was there up to the Peace of Paris in 1763- to say nothing of later times-any more constant source of irritation between the two Powers than this sore, which so many generations of diplomatists have exerted themselves to heal.
On the same day (April 11) was also signed a Treaty of Navigation and Commerce between Great Britain and France which, besides placing each of them, as towards the other, in the footing of the most favoured nation, contained certain stipulations of considerable significance for the progress of international law. The ordinance, issued by Louis XIV in 1681, when in his pride he already regarded himself as master of the seas, declaring any vessel a fair prize which should contain goods belonging to enemies of France, controverted the principle of " free ships, free goods," which France herself had accepted in her Treaty with the Dutch of 1646, and to which England had agreed in a succession of treaties. A rude shock had thus been administered to a principle hitherto generally, though not universally, acknowledged ; and during the ensuing period (including that of the War of the Spanish Succession) the further encroachment came into vogue, that all goods produced in an enemy's land or by an enemy's industry remained enemy's goods, even if in the possession of a neutral, and were thus liable to seizure at sea. Finally, the interpretation was actually extended to the very ships of neutrals loaded in an enemy's port and proceeding to a port not in their own country ; and such ships were actually seized. To these interpretations or proceedings the Utrecht Treaty opposed the pi-o-vision that, so far as British and French vessels were concerned, the flags of the nation to which they belonged should respectively cover all goods (except contraband of war), without distinction of ownership, even in the case of vessels bound for a port belonging to an enemy of that nation. Inasmuch as a treaty of the same purport was signed a few weeks later between France and the States General, maritime commerce might seem to have thus obtained an important boon at Utrecht. But, as a matter of fact, the question was still very far removed from a settlement. The pretensions of France had been negatived; but Great Britain, whose maritime ascendancy was now at last assured, paid very little attention to the principles which she had at Utrecht been instrumental in asserting. Though she could not ignore them altogether, she chose to treat them, not as the assertion of a general international principle, but as an agreement
The Peace between Great Britain and Spain may conveniently be next considered, though it was not actually concluded till July 13, 1713. Obviously, the plenipotentiaries of Philip V could not make their appearance at Utrecht till the Treaties of Peace between France and Great Britain and the other principal negotiating Powers had been signed, and till Philip had been recognised by them as King of Spain. It is pointed out in the work of Koch and Schoell, to which this summary is throughout indebted, that this Treaty between Great Britain and Spain is the first international instrument to make mention of what had been the real question of the War-namely, the imminent danger which had threatened the independence and welfare of Europe through so close a union tis that which had been brought about between the kingdoms of France and Spain ; it was for this reason, as Article II recites, that both the King of France and the King of Spain had consented to the requisite precautions being taken, and that the latter had for himself and his heirs and successors renounced for ever his claims to the French Crown, which renunciation he now solemnly confirmed. In further Articles he expressly approved the succession established in Great Britain by Act of Parliament ; and promised to prevent the transfer of any land or lordship in America by Spain to France or to any other nation.
Among the remaining Articles, that which confirmed the cession by Spain to Great Britain of the town, citadel, and port of Gibraltar is of special interest. Spanish pride and a well-warranted national feeling had to accept this sanction of an acquisition which, after having been made almost gratuitously, had been held with so much pertinacity. It was, however, accompanied by stipulations which guaranteed the free exercise of the Catholic religion in Gibraltar, and prohibited Jews and Moors from settling there, and by an engagement on the part of the British Crown securing the refusal of Gibraltar to the Spanish-should the British ever contemplate selling or otherwise alienating it.
By another Article (XI) the sovereignty of the island of Minorca, captured by Stanhope and Leake in 1708, was likewise ceded to Great Britain by Spain. The history of the acquisition of Minorca, with its fortified harbour of Port Mahon, difi'ered greatly from that of Gibraltar, inasmuch as it underwent both recapture and recovery before it was finally given up at the Peace of Amiens in 1802,together with Malta,the retention of which has rendered the loss of it a matter of indifference to Great Britain.
In the same Treaty the King of Spain likewise agreed to a cession of which he had sought to delay as long as possible the formal acknowledgment. " Yielding to the request of his Britannic Majesty," he agreed to abandon to the Duke of Savoy the kingdom of Sicily-his Britannic Majesty promising to use his best endeavours for its restoration to the Spanish Crown, in default of heirs male of the House of Savoy. It was not, however, as will be seen elsewhere, a deficiency of this sort which a few years later (in 1720) obliged Victor Amadeus II to exchange Sicily for Sardinia.
The Anglo-Spanish Treaty contained two other clauses of moment, on which Englishmen cannot look back with the same sense of detachment. By Article XII Spain accorded to Great Britain and the British South Sea Company, whose history is summarised elsewhere, for a term of thirty years the sole right of importing negroes into Spanish America. England and her privileged Company were thus to enjoy the rights of the Asiento (or legal compact) under the conditions which in 1701 had been granted for the enjoyment of the same right for ten years by Philip V to the French Guinea Company ; in other words, she undertook to furnish an annual supply of 4800 negroes to the Spanish colonies in America, paying certain dues on each imported slave and a sum in advance of 200,000 livres, to be repaid within the last ten years of the duration of the Treaty. But during its first five and twenty years as many negroes above the stipulated number of 4800 might be imported as was thought expedient, only half the dues fixed for those within that total being payable on account of those in excess of it. Certain other provisions favourable to the trading Company were reintroduced, besides the assignment of a share in the profits of the slave-trade to the sovereign; and a new provision was added (which was to prove of great political importance) granting British merchants the right of sending each year one vessel of five hundred tons' burden to trade with the Spanish colonies in America. The " ingenuity of British merchants " was thus enabled to evade the narrow bounds within which they were confined, and to secure for themselves (as the South Sea Company effectually did till the outbreak of the War with Spain in 174-0) the greater part of the general commerce with these regions.
Finally, in Article XIII of this Treaty, the King of Spain declared that, by reason of his respect for the Queen of Great Britain, he accorded to the Catalans not only a complete amnesty, but also all the privileges at present enjoyed by the Castilians, "of all the peoples of Spain that which the King cherished most." The self-sacrificing loyalty of the Castilians might have warranted this expression of preference ; but it must also be allowed that the Catalans, animated alike by an ardent attachment to their ancient fiieros and by their bitter hatred of the Castilians, had done everything they could to intensify Philip's antipathy to themselves. In Peterborough's days (1706) the Catalans had both fought and sufi'ered heroically for the cause of Charles III, which
Great Britain had made her own ; it was among them that he had sojourned even after he had become Emperor, and to their care that on his departure he had confided his young wife. Yet at Utrecht they were, under cover of the hypocritical verbiage cited above, left to the mercy of Philip V, who barely took the trouble of concealing his- very explicable-hatred of them. The privileges of which they were "guaranteed" the enjoyment were those of the Castilians, not their own ; and their " obstinacy," as Bolingbroke chose to call it, was requited by their being left out in the cold. The cynical indifference with which the rights of the Catalans were thus ignored was all the more impolitic as contrasting with the consideration shown to them by France in the Peace of the Pyrenees (1659). The result was that which had been foreseen, and concludes the one shameful episode connected with the Peace of Utrecht. In July, 1713, after the Catalans had refused unconditional submission and set up a provisional Government of their own, Philip Vs troops invested Barcelona, whence after the departure of his consort the Emperor had, in accordance with a separate agreement concluded by him at Utrecht on March 14, 1713, in the same month withdrawn his troops under Starhemberg. His proposal of an independent Catalan republic was of course nugatory ; and the real intentions of the British Government were revealed in August, by the despatch into the Mediterranean of an English squadron under the Tory Admiral Sir James Wishart, with instructions to put an end, if necessary, to the "confusion1" existing at Barcelona. He was also instructed to reduce the inhabitants of Majorca by force, should they refuse the terms offered them ; and it is quite clear that the two designs were to be carried out on parallel lines. So late as March, 1714, an address to the Queen was proposed in the Lords by Cowper, and, notwithstanding Bolingbroke's sarcastic comment that her Majesty could not be held to be bound by her promises after Charles III had relinquished the Spanish throne, carried with an immaterial modification, urging the continuance of English interposition on behalf of the Catalans. It had at least the effect that Wishart was ordered not to appear off Barcelona for the present. The city gallantly held out against the attacks of its besiegers, who were reinforced by a French army under Berwick and a French fleet. At last on the night of September 11 a general assault began, and the fighting continued all next day in every street-it might almost be said in every house-of Barcelona. The fall of Barcelona, which has been aptly compared to that of Numantia, forms the tragic ending of the story ; the survivors, sick and wounded, were sold into slavery ; and the very standards of the Catalans were by special order of King Philip burnt in the public market by the common hangman.
Among the remaining Treaties comprehended under the general name of the Peace of Utrecht, which may here be dealt with quite summarily, that between France and the States General, signed April 11,
Article IX of this Treaty revoked Philip V's cession, ominous for the diplomatic history of the eighteenth century, of the Spanish Netherlands to Bavaria (made in pursuance of an agreement, concluded in 1702, between Louis XIV and the Elector Maximilian Ernanuel) ; France undertaking to obtain from Bavaria a cession to the House of Austria of her claims to the Belgic Provinces. In return for the surrender to the States General for ultimate transfer to the House of Austria of certain places in French Flanders (they in fact included some of those forming part of the proposed Dutch "Barrier"), the States General undertook to obtain the restoration to France of Lille, on which she had during the negotiations set the utmost store, and of certain other of her former possessions.
In a Treaty of Commerce concluded with the States General on April 11, 1713, France granted the same important concession with regard to the rights of neutrals as that which had been made by England to the Dutch, who still held so much of the carrying-trade of the world. France also undertook to obtain for the United Provinces from Spain the rights which she had granted to them at Munster in 1648, when she first acknowledged their independence.
The Peace between France and Savoy, signed April 11,1713, restored to the latter Power Savoy and Nice, and in general any part of the Duke's dominions taken from him by the French arms. By means of a series of reciprocal cessions, the chain of the Alps became the boundary-line between the French and the ducal territory, while the plateau of these mountains was divided between the two Governments. The Duke of Savoy was acknowledged as the legitimate King of Sicily, its possession being guaranteed to him by the King of France, to whom this arrangement had been specially repugnant ; the stipulations as to the succession in Spain of the male line of the House of Savoy, in default of posterity of Philip, either male or female, may be passed by as never having come into operation. On the same day was signed the Treaty between Spain and Savoy, of which only those provisions possess a wider interest which referred to the cession of Sicily by the King of Spain to the Duke of Savoy, and to the confirmation of certain cessions made to the latter in northern Italy by the Emperor Leopold I in the Peace of Turin (1703).
France and Portugal also concluded a Treaty on April 11, having, five months earlier, agreed to a suspension of arms. The historical importance of their agreement is colonial. The Portuguese settlements on the banks of the Amazon were now recognised as wholly appertaining to the State by which they had been established; while France renounced any right on the part of her colony of Cayenne to trade in the mouth of the river. As a matter of fact, however, the Brazilian trade had since the middle of the seventeenth century more and more fallen into English hands, the Portuguese acting for the most part as agents or factors only ; so that these so-called Portuguese gains must be counted among the provisions of the Peace most profitable to Great Britain.
Finally, France and Prussia agreed to a separate Peace on the same date (April 11) ; though it is noticeable that as Elector of Brandenburg, King Frederick William I still continued at war with France. Through the diplomatic activity of France, Spain had in this instance once more been obliged to compensate a member of the Grand Alliance for his exertions against the Bourbon claimant to her throne. The bulk of Upper, or Spanish, Gelderland was ceded to France, in order by preconcerted arrangement to be made over by her to Prussia, on condition that the Catholic religion should be maintained there as it had been under the Spanish rule. Upper Gelders, the nucleus of the entire duchy, had remained with Spain when Lower Gelders had concurred in the Union of Utrecht (1579) ; but in the course of the War of the Spanish Succession the King of Prussia had laid claim to it as Duke of Cleves. This claim was to a large extent conceded in the Peace of Utrecht, though lesser portions of Upper Gelders went to the House of Austria, and to the Elector Palatine, as Duke of Jülich and Berg. A fresh division of Gelders-into four parts-was made in the Barrier Treaty of 1715, to be mentioned below, but it will be seen later
At Utrecht the King of Prussia's sovereignty over Neuchâtel and Valengin was likewise acknowledged. Neuchâtel (Neuenburg) was an ancient countship, whose chief civic community had been connected with the Swiss Confederation by a series of treaties of alliance, and had at times been under the actual control of the Confederation itself. By right of inheritance the countship had been held by the ducal House of Longueville (a branch of the Orleans line) till its extinction in 1707, with the death of Marie de Longueville, Duchess of Nemours. Already during her lifetime Louis XIV, whose annexation of Franche Comté had made him the immediate neighbour of Neuchâtel, had put forward the claims of the Prince of Conti upon the inheritance. These claims had been strenuously opposed by the Swiss cantons-Bern, Luzern, Solothurn, and Freiburg-associated by written compact with Neuchâtel, where (whether or not with the intention of spiting France) a movement arose, headed by the former Chancellor, George de Montm ollin, in support of Frederick I of Prussia's claims as representing the House of Nassau-Orange, which had formerly held sway at Neuchâtel. Bern, the most important of the members of the Swiss Confederation, and other cantons strongly supported these claims, which in 1707 were approved by the Estates of Neuchâtel, and in 1713 declared valid at Utrecht. The folly of the attempt to establish an intimate political connexion between two places so remote from each other as Berlin and Neuchâtel, especially at a time when all claims to Orange were renounced, was to avenge itself slowly, but surely. After undergoing the vicissitudes of the Napoleonic wars, Neuchâtel was not finally given up by Prussia to Switzerland, of which it is an organic part, till the precipitous changes of 1848.
As already observed, it was at this very time that an end was put to the political existence of the principality of Orange, which had come to be a mere archaic inconvenience. This principality, like the neighbouring city of Avignon and county of Venaissin, was a remnant of the old Burgundian kingdom. It passed successively under the sway of several dynasties, notably under that of the House of Nassau, René of Nassau having in 1530 become Prince of Orange as the nephew of the last Prince of the House of Chalons, and having, in 1544, been succeeded by his great cousin William. The little principality had then, in a series of wars, been seized by a succession of French kings, but had with the same regularity of sequence been restored to its owners at the pacifications ending these several conflicts. When, after the death of King William III, Frederick I of Prussia had on the strength of his kinship with the House of Orange-Nassau displayed some intention of putting himself in possession of the principality, Louis XIV had at once anticipated him. Now, at Utrecht, Pruhbia gave up whatever claims she possessed, and in the Peace of Rastatt
It remains to note that, by a clause which, had Frederick I of Prussia survived till the actual signature of the Franco-Prussian Treaty, would in his eyes have surpassed all the rest of it in importance, the King of France, in his own name and in that of the King of Spain, promised to acknowledge the royal dignity of his Prussian brother.
Viewing the Peace of Utrecht as a whole (though it was actually completed by certain additional treaties signed in 1714 after the conclusion of the Peace of Baden), we are of course confronted by the conspicuous gap caused in its settlements by the missing consent and cooperation of the Emperor, on whose behalf the great struggle had for twelve eventful years been carried on. Perhaps, had the campaign conducted by Prince Eugene in 1712, after his British allies had sheathed their swords, ended more successfully, the Emperor Charles VI might have played an important part in peace negotiations conducted on an altered basis; but by the autumn of the year the hopes of such an issue had grown small ; and though the interests of the Emperor and the Empire were not altogether left out of sight at Utrecht,« they were more or less neglected, as opposed, in different ways, to the interests both of France and of the United Provinces, and a matter of indifference, if not of aversion, to Bolingbroke and his colleagues. On the evening of the day on which the Anglo-French and some of the other pacifications noted above had been signed, the British plenipotentiaries handed to Count Sinzendorf the ultimatum of Louis XIV-consisting of conditions very different not only from those which France would have held herself fortunate in obtaining at various stages of the War, but even from offers transmitted by Louis to the Emperor in the course of the Utrecht negotiations themselves. France now declared herself prepared to accept the settlement, not of the Peace of Westphalia, but of the Peace of Byswyk, based on a uti possidetis far more favourable to France. The Rhine was to form the frontier between France and the Empire -v hich of course involved the severance from the latter of Strassburg, though not of Kehl, of which, however, as in all cases of fortified places included in the arrangement, the works were to be razed. The offer of Louis XIV to recognise Charles VI as Emperor, and George Lewis of Hanover as Elector, was very coolly received by them. On the other hand, Louis XIV demanded the full and entire restoration to their rights of his allies the Electors of Bavaria and Cologne-though the Upper Palatinate was to be left in the possession of the Elector Palatine. The Elector of Bavaria was to be indemnified for his renunciation of the Spanish Netherlands by the transfer to him of the island of Sardinia with the title of King ; while, until his restoration to all his hereditary dominions (except the Upper Palatinate), he was to remain in absolute sovereign possession of Luxemburg, Namur, and Charleroi. France consented to the assignment to the Emperor of Naples, Milan, and the "Spanish" Netherlands,
The Imperial Government-after the fashion of what nob in England alone was a preeminently pamphleteering age and, in the particular instance of the Peace of Utrecht, a preeminently pamphleteering occasion-issued a German pamphlet designed for popular consumption ; together with a more temperately written apologia, elaborated, in accordance with Sinzendorf s instructions, by the learned Jean Dumont, both in Latin and French, under the title of A Letter to an Englishman. But even the French-born Imperialist historiographer ventured to reproach the British nation with its servile submissiveness to the authority of the Crown, and to warn Queen Anne of the risk she ran of incurring the fate of her father. Thus, though abandoned by his Allies, and labouring under the lack of resources chronic to his dynasty, the Emperor Charles VI showed himself immovable in his resolution to carry on the War. When he turned to the Diet at Ratisbon, he obtained without much difficulty a vote for the continuation of the War on the part of the Empire and for a contribution of four million dollars. But the money came in at a snail's pace ; the proclamation issued, or rather caused to be issued at second-hand, by the Emperor, fell flat ; and the prospects of a war carried on without British or Dutch subsidies revealed themselves in all their nakedness. The Imperial Government remained blind to the fact that Great Britain's commercial interests would not suffer from a breach with the Empire, which must follow upon a political rupture between the two Powers ; and that it would therefore be practically ignored in the settlement which the British and French Governments were at one in hastening to a conclusion.
The events of the campaign on the Rhine in 1713 showed that no choice was left to Prince Eugene but the adoption of a purely cunctatory strategy ; while the Emperor was on all sides surrounded by misfortune. The French had once more crossed the Rhine ; Catalonia was lost, or virtually so ; and at Vienna there was an outbreak of the plague. As in the course of the War, when, after holding his entry into "his capital," Charles had seen province after province slip from his
After all, it was the safety of the Germanic Empire rather than, except in an outlying part of them, that of the hereditary dominions of the House of Austria, which was endangered by the French demands ; and the sensitiveness of that House has not always been as keen for the former as for the latter. The Peace as to which negotiations were in progress could not in any case be actually concluded without the consent of the Diet; although to wait for the actual participation of its representatives might delay ad inflnitum the prospect of reaching a settlement. Both at Gertruydenberg and at Utrecht the Diet had intended to be represented by a Deputation which should watch over the interests of the Empire ; but the necessary formalities, and the usual difficulty of balancing the representation of the Catholic and the Protestant Estates respectively, occupied a long time, and nothing was ultimately done. Thus at Rastatt, where he concluded peace with France on March 7, 1714, the Emperor took upon himself to agree to a series of provisions in the name of the Empire without having been authorised to do so by the Diet; the entire agreement being treated as if it only formed preliminaries, although it actually constituted the Treaty itself and was ratified by the Emperor "in the undoubted confidence, that the
Electors, Princes, and other Estates would not hesitate " to follow suit. He excused himself for these high-handed proceedings towards the Empire by a " Decree of Commission," in which he sought to throw the responsibility of his action upon Villars, and offered the Diet the choice between at last naming its Deputation, or empowering him to conclude peace in the Empire's name. The Catholic Estates were prepared to grant him these powers; but not so the Protestant-and for a very significant reason, into which it is necessary to enter rather more fully. The hesitation of the Protestant Estates at this point arose out of an article in the Rastatt preliminaries, affirming that the Treaties of Westphalia and of Ryswyk should form the bases of the intended Peace. Now, Article IV of the Treaty concluded by France with the Emperor and the Empire at Ryswyk had contained a clause, against which the Protestants had persistently protested and which they regarded as having been rendered invalid by the outbreak of the European War that had put an end to the Treaty containing it. The Article itself had provided for the restoration to the Empire of all the districts occupied by France outside Alsace-a loose designation which, however, need not be further criticised in the present connexion ; for it is the clause added by France to the Article which is in question, and which plays an unhappily prominent part in the diplomatic history of the first quarter of the eighteenth century. During the French occupation of the Palatinate in the iniquitous "Orleans War" (1688-90) it had seemed good to the French Government, the standard-bearer of intolerance at home, to espouse the interests of the Catholics in those districts where no Catholic worship had been established, by introducing there the exercise of it side by side with that of the Protestants, forcing the latter either to share the use of their churches with the Catholics or to give up to them the chancels. These proceedings amounted to a palpable violation of the settlement made in the Peace of Westphalia, according to which the established Church (representing any one of the three recognised Confessions) in any given district was to be that which had been the established Church there in the year 1624. In the Peace of Ryswyk, however, France sought to force her new provision upon the frontier-districts restored by her to the Empire under Article IV, by means of the clause declaring that in the territories so restored the Roman Catholic religion should remain in the condition in which it was at the present time-in other words, where a simultaneous Catholic worship had been established by the French, it was to be maintained for ever. The insertion of this clause in the Peace not having been opposed by the Imperial plenipotentiary at Ryswyk, it was accepted by the Catholic Estates of the Empire, on the plea of the imperative necessity of concluding the Peace; but of the Protestant Estates only a few attested their signatures to the Treaty; and soon afterwards the entire Corpus Evangelicorum entered their solemn protest against the manifest violation of the Peace of
Westphalia. Finally, though to the resolution of the Diet approving of the ratification of the Peace of Byswyk (November, 1697), there was added a postscript intended to safeguard the Protestants against any application of the clause to their disadvantage, this postscript was ignored by the Emperor in accepting the resolution; and the result was a protracted quarrel between the Protestant and Catholic Estates at the Diet which led to a stagnation of all business in that assembly and recalls, in its complications, the evil days of the Reservatum Ecclesiasticum. Nor can it be said that in the later instance the whole dispute was a tempest about nothing; for the number of places whose religious condition was involved in it amounted to little short of 2000 (1922). When in 1714 the matter came up again at the Diet in connexion with the Emperor's proposal that he should be empowered by it to conclude peace in its name, the Protestants used all the forms at their disposal to obtain the insertion in the decree of their demand that the obnoxious clause should be held to have been abrogated for ever. Charles VI refused to accept powers thus restricted; and the Protestant Estates had to content themselves with a fresh protest, which when the terms of peace were actually settled at Baden was, as will be seen, coolly passed over.
When, therefore, on June 10,1714, a peace congress opened at Baden (in Switzerland), there was really very little for it to accomplish. It was attended by plenipotentiaries of the Emperor and of France, of Duke Leopold Joseph Charles of Lorraine and of several Princes of the Empire and of Italy, and of the Pope. No warmer friend of France, it may be observed, has ever worn the tiara than Clement XI (1700-21); but he had at an early date in his pontificate found it necessary to come to an understanding with the Emperor Joseph. Yet the Peace of Utrecht had deprived him of certain portions of his temporal dominions ; and Clement, who regarded this unprecedented act as a personal affront, was neither able to obtain redress nor to suffer in dignified silence. The Peace between France and the Empire was concluded at Baden on September 7, 1714.
No essential difference is accordingly to be noticed between the Treaties of Rastatt and Baden, unless it be that the earlier of the two was drawn up in French, and the later in Latin. The Treaty of Ryswyk was, together with those of Westphalia and Nymegen, taken as a basis of the Peace of Baden ; and the protestation mentioned above was passed over after an unctuous French declaration as to the King's devotion to the Catholic faith, which had been fortified by two hortatory briefs from the Pope. The provisions of the Peace, which was signed on September 7, were entirely concerned with the relations between the Empire and France, and mainly with the regulation of their frontier. Hence the mediation offered by Great Britain, and the participation in the negotiations desired by Spain, had been alike declined. Alt-Breisach and Freiburg, with the fort of Kehl-all on the right bank of the Rhine-were restored to the Empire ; while Landau, further to the north on the left bank of the river, was, with its dependencies, ceded
The Peace of Baden was, however, by no means a mere repetition of the Peace of Utrecht ; for at Baden the Emperor did not acknowledge the rule of Philip V in Spain, and Philip in his turn gave no consent to the dismemberment of the Spanish monarchy in favour of the Austrian Habsburgs. There are other points of difference-notably as to the treatment of the Elector of Bavaria, who at Baden profited greatly from the late successes of his French ally, and from the magnanimity with which on this, as on other occasions, Louis XIV supported the interests of his friends. The Peace of Baden was ratified by the Diet of the Empire, but not till after many difficulties had been raised and surmounted; for while the Protestant Estates recorded a protest against the maintenance of the notorious clause of the Fourth Article of the Peace of Ryswyk, other protests were recorded by several Italian princes, and by the Pope himself, against other sections of the present treaty.
As indicated above, two further treaties have yet to be noticed in this survey, concluded respectively a little before and a little after the Peace of Baden. The Peace between Spain and the United Provinces, which was signed at Utrecht on Juue 26, 1714, had been delayed so long on account of the persistent refusal of the Emperor to assent to the Article in the Peace between France and the United Provinces in favour of the Princess Orsini. Philip V was now at last persuaded to give way, and in this same year the ascendancy of the Princess itself came to an end after the death of Philip's Queen, Marie-Louise. Certain other reasons had contributed to delay the conclusion of the Spanish-Dutch treaty. Its most important provisions as a matter of course had reference to trade, as to which Spain placed the United Provinces on the footing of the most favoured nation, with the exception of trade with the Spanish American colonies. This remained closed to all European nations except, in so far as the Asiento was concerned, to Great Britain. The attempt of the Spaniards to secure the cession of Maestricht and certain other districts, which in a critical moment of
Portugal and Spain likewise concluded peace at a date so late as February 6, 1715. The lasting hatred between the two neighbour peoples goes a long way to account for the delay ; but it must also be allowed that Portugal, who, as has been seen, had faithfully adhered to the Grand Alliance since British diplomacy had induced her to join it in 1703-notwithstanding the dangers and damages to which her colonial empire had been exposed in consequence-might justly have expected a fuller consideration of her claims in the Peace than she had succeeded in obtaining. She was left very much to make her own terms with Spain ; and, though in the end she reduced her demands to the single city of Badajoz and the abandonment of the Spanish claims (upheld by the valour of Indians trained by Jesuits) in the colony of St Sacrament in Uruguay, to whose strange history reference is made elsewhere, the Government of Philip V was provided with further counter-claims of its own. When, however, it became apparent that the Emperor had resolved to conclude no peace with Spain at present, the Spanish negotiations with Portugal were resumed ; and, under pressure from her ungenerous British ally, Portugal was brought to sign the Peace-both the contracting Powers making it very evident through the behaviour of their plenipotentiaries, that they and their peoples were affectionately disposed towards each other. On the whole, the conditions of this treaty were necessarily favourable to Portugal. The home frontier was regulated in accordance with the status quo ante helium; and Spain gave up the disputed colony of St Sacrament to Portugal, unless she should within eighteen months have found and accepted a suitable equivalent. The later changes in the history of the colony were as numerous as the earlier, but cannot occupy us here.
This account may fitly be concluded by a few words concerning the "Barrier Treaties," of which the third and last finishes the series of transactions calling for notice here. Article IX of the Treaty of 1701, in which the lines of the Grand Alliance were laid down, had contained an assurance to the United Provinces of a barrier against France. The importance of such a protection to the Provinces was of course patent. Nature had done little or nothing for the Low Countries in the way of barrier or boundary ; and the repulse of the French invasion of 1672-one of those great crises in the history of a nation which must end either in the destruction or in the preservation of a nation's existence as such-had so far only proved that, but for an extraordinary effort of national patriotism under a great national leader, the Dutch Republic might have sunk under the waters, instead of emerging from them.
The question of the DuLch Baiuier had accordingly become a theme
When, however, as was seen in the earlier section of this chapter, the peace negotiations of 1709-10 broke down, and the War had to be resumed by the Allies, both Great Britain and the United Provinces perceived that the vexed question of the Barrier ought to be got out of the way, even though the Emperor, for the benefit of whose claimant the Spanish Netherlands were being contested against France, might take no immediate part in the transaction. The result was the so-called First Barrier Treaty, concluded on October 29, 1709. In this compact the British Government undertook to secure to the States General the right of garrisoning nine strong places which belonged or had belonged to the Spanish Netherlands, namely Nieuport, Furnes, Knoque, Ypres, Menin, Lille, Tournay, Condé, and Valenciennes, in addition to ten others (including Charleroi, Namur, and the citadel of Ghent) in case of their being recaptured from the French, in whose hands they at the present remained. A million of francs was to be annually paid to the Dutch out of the revenues of the Spanish Netheilands for the maintenance of the fortresses and garrisons aforesaid.
This Barrier Treaty, which in fact amounted to a renewal, by way of reassurance, of the defensive and offensive alliance between Great Britain and the United Provinces, in terms favourable beyond precedent to the latter, was decried in Parliament as unfavourable to England as well as to France ; and this complaint was echoed in the country at large. A strong popular feeling against the Dutch had survived from the ignoble factiousness of the reign of William III, and it was probably augmented by some genuine fears as to the consequences of strengthening the position of England's chief mercantile rival. Thus, notwithstanding the Barrier Treaty, or partly in consequence of it, considerable soreness ensued between the two peoples and Governments ; and, when, in December, 1711, Marlborough was dismissed from his public employments, the States General made over the command of their troops, not to his successor, the Duke of Ormond, but to the Imperial Commander, Prince Eugene. Party feeling took advantage of these relations to undermine the Grand Alliance by such semi-official manifestos as Swift's Remarks on the Burner Treaty (1712).
Thus, during the progress of the peace negotiations of 1711 and 1712 between the British and French Governments, the former were found quite ready to meet the wishes of France as to a revision of the Barrier Treaty, of which it is certainly not too much to say that it seriously impaired the force of the compact. Several of the Barrier places on which the Treaty had insisted being now promised to France, it became necessary for Great Britain, if her present policy was to be carried out, to conclude a Second Barrier Treaty with the States General, and this was accomplished at Utrecht on January SO, 1713. In this Treaty, by which the First was formally revoked, it was settled that the States General should have the right of keeping garrisons in Knoque, Ypres, Menin, Tournay, Mons, Charleroi, Namur, and Ghent ; but Lille, Condé, Valenciennes and Maubeuge, which were included as Barrier places in the First Treaty, were not so included in the Second. Great Britain was to furnish 10,000 and the States General 6000 men, and each of the two Powers the same number of vessels, for the maintenance of the Treaty. Upper Gelders, which the First Treaty had assured to the United Provinces, was passed over in the Second, it being, as has been seen, intended to dispose of it otherwise (in favour of Prussia).
Now, though the Treaties of Utrecht, Rastatt, and Baden had alike kept in view the transfer of the " Spanish " Netherlands to the House of Austria, yet they had all provided that these Belgic Provinces should remain in the occupation of the States General, until they should have arrived at a satisfactory understanding with the Emperor on the subject of their Barrier. With a view to such an understanding, a conference was held at Antwerp between representatives of the Imperial Government and of the States General, General Cadogan, who after Queen Anne's death had been reinstated as Lieutenant-General and appointed
On the whole, therefore, the Dutch had by their tenacity, and by taking advantage of the favourable opportunity which had at last come to them, obtained a guaranteed agreement which not only effected their main object, the establishment of a well-protected frontier as towards France, but even (in the words of a Dutch historian) placed what were now the Austrian Netherlands in a relation which was in some degree a relation of dependence as towards the Free. For by the Third Barrier Treaty the States General at once gave up to the Emperor all those portions of the Netherlands which had been in the possession of King Charles II of Spain ; but they retained under certain pretexts those districts which France had restored to the House of Austria in the Treaties of Utrecht, Rastatt, and Baden. These were likewise delivered up to the Emperor by virtue of a supplementary convention signed at the Hague on December 22, 1718. The unity of the monarchy of the Spanish Habsburgs, which the will of Charles II had sought to preserve, had received its final blow; and under the guarantee of Great Britain the head of the House of Austria had reentered into the possession of one of the fairest of the jewels in the crown of his great namesake.